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A survey of the cities of London and Westminster

“Because I know that time is always time

And place is always place and only place

And what is actual is actual only for one time

And only for one place”

Ash Wednesday T.S. Eliot. 1930

 

Before giving a description of such a momentous book, I feel a bit of framing is due. Much has been written about this wonderful huge book, yet I feel it is necessary to state that this book is indispensable for anyone doing research on any subject relating to Early Modern London. Stow’s initial foray into the subject set the bar high for detailed description of the physical and social environment of London. This edition, by far the best is the work of three generations of Antiquaries, the catalogues of books, records and manuscripts excerpted is impressive in its own right and would be an irreplaceable library on its own. But this work is manifest of cultural shifts and maintains differing scholars approaches to understanding of the recording and preserving of cultural heritage, the list of subscribers depicts the capital invested in this undertaking.

 

947G      John Stow   1525-1605

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A survey of the cities of London and Westminster: containing the original, antiquity, increase, modern estate and government of those cities. Written at first in the year MDXCVIII. By John Stow, citizen and native of London. Since reprinted and augmented by A.M. H.D. and other. Now lastly, corrected, improved, and very much enlarged: and the survey and history brought down from the year 1633, (being near fourscore years since it was last printed) to the present time; by John Strype, M.A. a native also of the said city. Illustrated with exact maps of the city and suburbs, and of all the wards; and likewise of the out-parishes of London and Westminster: together with many other fair draughts of the more eminent and publick edifices and monuments. In six books. To which is prefixed, the life of the author, writ by the editor. At the end is added, an appendiz of certain tracts, discourses and remarks, concerning the state of the city of London. Together with a perambulation, or circuit-walk four or five miles round about London, to the parish churches: describing the monuments of the dead there interred: with other antiquities observable in those places. And concluding with a second appendix, as a supply and review: and a large index of the whole work.

 

London: printed for A. Churchill, J. Knapton, R. Knaplock, J. Walthoe, E. Horne, B. Tooke, D. Midwinter, B. Cowse, R. Robinson, and T. Ward, 1720                  $18,000  

 

Two Folio volumes 15 1/4 X 9 inches.

vol I :Map of London, π2, (B)-(D)2,(a)-(d)4,(e)-(f)2 Q2, A-Z4, Aa-Pp4,Qq2,[end of first book]  B-Z4, Aa-Dd4,[end of second book] A-Z4, Aa-mm4,Nn3 [end of 3rd book]

vol II : π1,A-P4, A-Z4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa- Lll4, Mmm2 [end of book V] A-Z4, Aa-KK4, Ll-Rr2.  Each of the 6 ’books’ has its own pagination, and is introduced by a drop-head title.

There are 70 full Page (and 30 of those folding) Maps and Plates .

The Fold-out of “Elizabethan London ” is lacking as in many copies,  otherwise these two volumes are complete and almost in perfect condition, The Large foldout map of the city of London  DSC_0245has been reinforced on the back and there are a few pages with margin repairs not touching the text. All the pages are crisp and clean. It is truly a stunning copy.

This copy is beautifully and expertly bound in modern quarter calf, over marbled boards, quite a Stately set of volumes indeed! . The binding is in fine working order.

“In the century following Stow’s death, however, the Tudor capital so lovingly depicted and recorded in Stow’s Survey was dramatically transformed. The huge growth of the metropolis, the devastation wrought by the Great Fire of 1666 and the subsequent rebuilding of the City made an updating of the Survey highly desirable. It was to answer this need that John Strype (1643-1737), the ecclesiastical historian and biographer, published a new, hugely expanded version of Stow’s Survey of London in 1720.”

First Issue with “1698” for 1598 on the title page (?) John Stow’s Survey of London, first published in 1598, brims with amusing descriptions and anecdotes as well as highly detailed accounts of the buildings, social conditions and customs of the time, based on a wide range of classical and medieval historical literature, public and civic records, and Stow’s own intimate knowledge of the city where he spent his life. “The reader of A Survey travels with Stow through each of the city’s wards and the adjoining city of Westminster, learns about the wall, bridges, gates, and parish churches . . . DSC_0232 2[Stow] also records the negative aspects of urban growth, in the shape of unsightly sprawl, filth, the destruction of ancient monuments, and above all poverty. His book approaches the thoroughness of an encyclopaedia . . . It is noteworthy that while Camden’s Britannia was written in Latin for the educated élite, Stow’s Survey was composed in the language of his fellow countrymen.” This edition, of 1720, greatly expanded with interpolated amendments by John Strype, is considered the best and most desirable.

DSC_0235 “Throughout his life at Low Leyton, Strype crossed the River Lea into London each week to meet and converse with his antiquarian friends and to call on his contacts in the book trade. . . . The Survey had been repeatedly revised and enlarged in order to keep up with the changing aspect of the post-fire city, now much expanded and altered in its religion and other ways. . . . Although Strype had arranged most of the work by 1707, and the engravings had been prepared, it was set aside after the publication of Edward Hatton’s New View of London in 1708, which seemed to cover much the same ground and was considerably smaller and cheaper. . . . Finally, once the defects of Hatton’s book were acknowledged another agreement in November 1716 led to the Survey’s publication at the end of 1720. . . . The print run was probably more than 500 copies . . . To quote Merritt, ‘By this stage the Survey has a multiple personality, switching with little warning from nostalgic Elizabethan antiquary [Stow] . . . to diligent post-Restoration recorder of events [Strype] and back again’ (Merritt, 87).” (ODNB).

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Richard Grafton] had the audacity to enter into historical controversy (impar congressus) with the great John Stow. This ‘merry old man,’ footing it over England in search of Antiquities because he could never learn to ride, sometimes suspected by Government of being insufficiently Protestant, now begging with a basin in the street, now spending £200 a year on his library, holds a very high place in the history of learning. Even those who, like Camden, distrusted his judgment, allowed his industry. His Chaucer (1561) was his first but by no means his best work: he helped to swell the Chaucerian apocrypha. His Summary of English Chronicles (1565) looks at first like a retrogression from Hall; we are back at the annalistic form and the London tradition with its lists of bailiffs and mayors. But the important thing is that Stow is not a mere compiler but (as we call it) a ‘researcher.’ He uses the literary sources but he adds ‘paynfull searche’ into records, and ‘diligent experience.’ He collected not only books but charters and legal documents. He bought up the collections of others, and his own assisted both Speght and Parker. In 1580 came the Chronicle of English from Brute unto this present year, re-issued in 1592 as the Annals. The Survey of London (1598) was re-issued in 1603 and afterwards enlarged by other hands.

DSC_0238Its modern editor finds this work ‘instinct with’ a ‘life’ which the Annals lack. It is a treasure–house of old customs, old splendors, old gaieties and hospitalities, already vanished or vanishing when the author wrote. Stow had no stylistic ambitions; his works were, as he said ‘written homely.’ His prose varies between mere note–making (see the account of printing under year 1458 in the Summary) and tolerably vivid narrative. In general it is just such an unobtrusive medium as keeps our attention on the facts, and therefore good for its purpose; recte olet ubi nihil olet.” (page 298-299, English Literature in the Sixteenth Century, C.S. Lewis)
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 Maslen & Lancaster. Bowyer ledgers, 584; Lowndes V, 2526. Gibson’s Library, p. 258. ESTC Citation No. T48975.

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Strype’s Survey of London

J.F.Merritt

University of Nottingham

The creation of the 1720 edition

If John Stow’s Survey of London is probably the most famous single work ever written about England’s capital, then the enlarged and updated edition of the same book published some 120 years later by the famous ecclesiastical historian John Strype surely stands as one of the most remarkable works of scholarship ever produced about the city, and is regarded even today as a standard and invaluable work of reference for historians of the capital. Just as London’s boundaries and population had vastly expanded in the years between Stow and Strype’s works, so Strype’s edition dwarfs Stow’s original work. In two stout folio volumes, Strype’s monumental composition provides not just an updated account of the City that brings it down to the early eighteenth century, but also vastly extends the work’s range both geographically (to take in the sprawling suburbs of the metropolis) and thematically (to discuss a panoply of new subjects, from the Great Fire and the provision of water and public health to workhouses and the Bank of England). This is combined with a famous collection of ward and parish maps, and a fine set of plates of prominent buildings. The whole is appropriately preceded by the first detailed life of John Stow, with a full-page reproduction of his funeral monument. 1

The Survey of London is a work which has attracted many different editors in its history, and Strype’s own remarkable edition cannot be used effectively without an understanding of its relationship to the original and subsequent texts of this remarkable work.

John Stow’s own Survey of London was first published in 1598. But he did not intend this to be his last word on the subject. In 1603 he published a new edition with many important corrections and additions, and he clearly intended to embark on further elaborations and refinements, prevented only by his death in 1605. Work on a new edition of the Survey began not long after Stow’s death. His first posthumous editor was the incorrigible Anthony Munday — playwright, pageant-writer, polemicist, and (apparently) a spy reporting against both puritans and Catholics. Munday claimed of Stow that, while still alive, ‘much of his good mind he had formerly imparted to me, and some of his best collections lovingly delivered me, prevailing with mee ? to proceed in the perfecting of a Worke so worthy’. 2 Munday’s new edition of the Survey, published in 1618, sought to update Stow’s text in a number of ways. Another edition, published in 1633 after Munday’s death, took things further, including a substantial new section entitled ‘A Returne to London’, which sets out to document a resurgence in London church repair, rebuilding and beautification, undertaking a parish-by-parish survey of the capital’s churches. A further bizarre appendix presents an accumulation of miscellaneous, almost random, material, under the title ‘The Remaines or Remnants of Divers Worthy Things which should have had their Due Place and Honour in this Worke, if Promising Friends had Kept their Words’. 3

The unwieldy sprawl of Munday’s 1633 edition showed that Stow’s work clearly required a more effective editor. Nevertheless, no further editions of Stow were attempted. Instead, the text of the Survey (usually the 1633 edition) was raided by later authors for material that they could insert into their own works on London. This was the case in James Howell’s Londinopolis (1657) and Thomas de Laune’s The Present State of London (1681; 2nd ed 1690). In 1694 a concerted attempt was made by Richard Blome (who had produced a new edition of William Camden’s Britannia in 1673) to complete a new edition of Stow’s Survey ‘with large additions and improvements’. While new maps and much new text were generated, however, the edition itself was never published. 4

In 1702, two of the publishers involved in the abortive 1694 edition of the Survey drew up an agreement to edit the Survey with one of those writers who had initially been approached to provide materials for the 1694 edition. This was John Strype. Strype is best known to us as an ecclesiastical historian, but also enjoyed fame as an accomplished editor of texts and historical documents, including an immensely popular account of Ceylon (and indeed, his ecclesiastical annals and biographies were often essentially compendia of extracts of transcribed documents). His edition of the Survey was apparently completed by November 1707, but Strype and his publishers then found that booksellers would not accept the work because of the simultaneous publication of a much slimmer and cheaper rival — Edward Hatton’s New View of London — which used significant amount of materials from Stow (although self-consciously abandoning Stow’s structure and methodology). Like Blome’s edition, Strype’s 1708 Survey was therefore aborted. Nevertheless, the deficiencies of Hatton’s work meant that the demand for a scholarly updating of Stow’s Survey were undiminished, and by the second half of 1716 the edition was back on track, and Strype’s edition of the Survey was finally published in December 1720. The work, in two folio volumes, was priced at a princely six guineas, and somewhere between 500 and 700 copies were published, with 271 subscribers listed in the work itself. 5

The drawn-out process by which Strype’s edition emerged can help to explain some of the peculiarities of the text as it was finally published. Strype clearly had access to the text and other materials of Blome’s abortive 1694 edition. He scrupulously indicates all Blome’s additions to the original Survey with the marginal note ‘R.B.’ —but this means that some of these sections stop abruptly in 1694. The maps in Strype’s edition are also essentially taken from Blome’s 1694 edition, although with some minor alterations made in 1707 (although, unlike the text, Blome’s name is unceremoniously removed from the maps). Strype also does not seem to have altered the main body of the text that he completed for the 1708 edition, so that changes occurring between 1708 and 1720 are often missed. The written account of the city therefore essentially describes London as it was in 1708. 6 Even the list of stage coaches and carriers is dated 1707. Strype did, however, add a number of new and supplementary sections to the work.

The earlier history of the Survey under the editorship of Stow and Munday can also explain some other gaps and anomalies in the coverage of Strype’s edition. For example, the entries for different London parishes provide plentiful information on Jacobean church-building, because Strype has taken the separate, consolidated account of early Stuart church-building–which Munday appended to the 1633 edition–and redistributed this material within the overall entries on each individual parish. But Strype’s edition contains virtually no reference to any church-building or decoration in London parishes during the Laudian campaign of the 1630s and surprisingly little on the later seventeenth century. There had, of course, been no shortage of such building, but there had been no Munday around to record it, and Strype made no use of parochial documents to investigate these matters further. 7

Other anomalies of the edition’s coverage can be explained by the practicalities of the gathering of material. The chance enthusiasm of certain clergy and parish officials, for example, seems to explain why some parishes, such as St James Clerkenwell and St Botolph Aldgate, are far more fully documented than others, especially for the later seventeenth century. 8 It is also not surprising to find that Strype’s own parish of Low Leyton receives more attention than its suburban location might otherwise have afforded it, as does the parish of Hackney, where he held a lectureship. While Strype does not seem to have consulted parish records such as churchwardens’ accounts (so that his accounts of parochial donors are dependent on the tables and monuments visible in churches when he and his assistant ‘I.W.’ visited them), nevertheless the support of Bishop Compton of London meant that Strype had access to diocesan materials of a type which neither Stow nor Munday had available. Strype relied heavily on the recent 1693 episcopal visitation returns to update the perambulation portion of the Survey, while information from an earlier visitation of 1636 helped to fill in gaps about the pre-Fire character of certain parishes.

Some omissions in the edition also reflect simple time constraints. As late as October 1719, it was noted that information on nine livery companies was still missing, and in the final version three livery companies are bereft of a brief history, with only their coat of arms provided (II.v.247). Yet by July 1720 Strype was still supplying new material for the appendices, much to the consternation of the booksellers who begged him to ‘put a stop to the great Enlargements which we perceive are like to be made in the second Appendix for We have Exceeded by 80 sheets of Our first Computation already’. 9

While we may note its many omissions, however, it is just as important to emphasize the enormous amounts of new material which Strype introduced to the Survey. It should also be recognized that Strype did not merely add new material by describing recent events and institutions, but also drew on medieval and Tudor sources to expand significantly the coverage of the period before Stow wrote his first edition. For example, Strype’s account of the parish of St Martin in the Fields, Westminster is enriched by his use of Burghley’s papers for an account of an enclosure riot in 1592 (II.vi.79-80). 10

 

Strype and the 1720 Survey

If it is important for the reader of Strype’s edition to understand how the work stands within the series of continuations of Stow’s original work, it is equally important to appreciate how John Strype’s own preoccupations played a vital role in shaping the 1720 edition.

Strype’s experience as an editor clearly led him to take a keen interest in identifying Stow’s original text. He explains in his preface that he wished to return to the uncorrupted Stow because ‘since the Author’s Death there having crept in a great number of Errors, as it happens in After-Editions’. Contemporaries had increasingly tended to conflate the versions of the Survey produced by Stow and Munday. Strype therefore made it a priority to disentangle the publishing history of the Survey by introducing a system of marginal annotations, so that Stow’s original text could be identified. This partly reflected Strype’s conviction that Munday was greatly inferior to Stow as a scholar, but also his esteem for Stow himself. Not the least notable addition to the Survey that Strype introduced was the ‘Life of Stow’ which prefaces the whole work, along with a full-page reproduction of Stow’s funeral monument. Strype’s ‘Life of Stow’ marks a significant moment in the rehabilitation of Stow’s reputation. Strype presents him as a paragon of honest and intuitive scholarship, compassionate to the poor, and specifically refutes charges that he was overly credulous or unscholarly in his working methods. He makes no attempt to hide Stow’s Catholic sympathies, but explains them in terms of a response to the sacrilege of the early Reformation, and offers a rounded, realistic and above all sympathetic account of his trials and tribulations.

Strype clearly admired Stow as a fellow scholar and editor. But for all his editorial scruples, his concern to follow Stow’s method, and the practical pressures that significantly shaped the content of the book, Strype’s edition of the Survey is not entirely lacking in evidence of Strype’s own religious and intellectual preoccupations. 11

The son of a Dutch immigrant silk merchant, John Strype grew up in a family with strong non-conformist links. This was particularly true of the family of his mother, Hester van Strype, who is known to have sheltered non-conformist ministers in her London house during the 1665 plague. After the death of his father, the young Strype also came under the influence of his brother-in-law John Johnson, a dedicated Presbyterian minister. It was Johnson who in 1663 arranged for Strype to transfer from Jesus College, Cambridge to the more amenable Catherine Hall, where John Lightfoot (who had earlier supported Presbyterianism at the Westminster Assembly) was master. Despite this background, however, Strype ultimately decided to position himself firmly within the ranks of the established church — a decision which alienated him from most of his close-knit family for many years. 12 The influence of some of this background may be glimpsed in his treatment of the stranger communities in the pages of the Survey. While condemning the naturalization of alien merchants, Strype still does his best to defend the rights of the stranger communities to be exempted from the requirements of religious conformity. In part, he does this by emphasizing, not their shared membership of an international Protestant community (as puritans had traditionally done) but rather the degree to which their behaviour echoes that of the established church. Thus he notes how French Protestants at St Anne Soho use the English liturgy in French translation, with episcopally-ordained ministers officiating and sometimes wearing Anglican garb (II.v.294-305; II.vi.85).

Strype was closely involved in the religious politics of his day. He served as minister at Low Leyton, just outside London, from 1668 until his death, and it was from here that he supported Henry Compton, bishop of London, even when the latter was suspended by James II in 1686. Strype was also involved in clandestine publications criticizing James’ religious policies. Thereafter, Strype’s strong support for the Glorious Revolution led to his formal institution as rural dean of Barking by the grateful Bishop Compton, and he was additionally rewarded with a lectureship at the nearby parish of Hackney. In the years that followed, Strype’s position as dean of Barking extended beyond a merely pastoral one, as he also participated in electioneering for the Essex Church-Tory party. 13

Strype’s religious sentiments — fiercely anti-Jacobite and anti-Catholic, disapproving of Dissenters, and passionately committed to the established church — can also be seen to have found outlets in sections of the Survey. Thus, while Strype follows Stow in including Fitzstephen’s encomium of Thomas Becket at the end of the medieval account of London, he adds a stinging editorial addition that this was written by ‘a Monk, the Pope’s sworn Creature ? in the very Depth of Popery’ (II.Appendix, p.15). It is also notable that, while later eighteenth-century editors of the Survey felt obliged to denounce the anti-Catholic inscriptions on the Great Fire Monument, Strype was comfortable merely to report these additions to the Monument without comment. 14

The Survey also bears witness to Strype’s profound concern with the moral life of the City, encapsulated in his enthusiasm for such contemporary organizations as the Society for the Reformation of Manners. He introduces a new section to the Survey that is specifically concerned with ‘the late Endeavours used in the City for the restraining of Vice’, which describes ‘in what State Religion and Good Manners stand here at present’, partly by an approving overview of the various Societies (II.v.30-52). Like Munday and Stow, Strype gives an account of charities and almshouses, but this is no mere catalogue of good works — this is clearly a topic that excites Strype’s particular interest. He gives a meticulous account of the workhouse in Bishopgate Street, with case studies of its successes (I.i.197-202). This concern with the instruments of social control and moral reform is very much of its time, and conspicuously different from the world of Stow and Munday, where the very fact of the founder’s charity claimed most attention.

Needless to say, this preoccupation with the need to maintain social order means that Strype makes little space in his edition of the Survey for the discussion of sports and pastimes. As a diligent editor he reproduces Stow’s account of ‘the customary Sports used in the City’, but rather than supplementing this with an updated account of such pursuits, Strype rather oddly chooses to append a bloodcurdling account of ‘some of their customary Punishments in former Times, of Shame or Pain, or both, for divers Sorts of Crimes and Misdemeanours: Such were Pillorizing, Carting, Riding, Whipping.’ (I.i.257-8). The association of the two topics in Strype’s mind seems clear. It is hardly surprising that virtually the only allusion that Strype makes to theatrical drama in the capital focuses on the City’s attempts under Elizabeth to regulate potentially dissolute players and the ‘lewd Matters of plays’ (II.v.244-6).

Strype’s edition also breathes the spirit of its age in its provision of statistical information. Strype’s modish fascination with political arithmetic shines through in page upon page of statistics and tables charting matters such as the volume of livery company charity, amounts spent yearly on the diet of the poor, numbers received into and discharged from the capital’s workhouses, and a lengthy account of fire insurance rates, complete with charts to calculate premiums. Similarly, the state of contemporary London’s wealth and income, and its role at the centre of overseas trade, are celebrated, along with lengthy discussions of trading companies and the Bank of England (e.g. II.v.256-73, 404-8, 445-7).

Strype’s edition of the Survey of London is, then, a remarkable compendium of information about the capital. For all of its omissions, the anomalous chronological range of some sections, and the idiosyncrasy of others, its editor still manages to muster a huge amount of material gathered from an extraordinary range of sources. The two hefty volumes may lack the immediate personal touch and focus of Stow’s own Survey, but this is not because Strype himself was simply a dispassionate observer of events. As we have seen, he had his own agenda and beliefs as well. The unwieldiness of the Survey partly reflects the task that Strype set himself — to preserve Stow’s original text and the essential structure of Stow’s work, but also to integrate the additions of Munday, Blome and Strype himself within the same framework. What it gains in comprehensiveness, it loses in coherence. Not the least bewildering aspects of the book is the cacophony of editorial voices. The authorial ‘I’ can be found reporting events witnessed in the 1540s, conversations in the 1620s, or visiting Westminster Hall in the 1650s in order to see the standards seized at the Battle of Worcester (I.ii.66; I.iii.16; II.vi.49). The Survey of Strype’s edition has a multiple personality, switching with little warning from nostalgic Elizabethan antiquary to triumphalist Jacobean pageant-writer to diligent post-Restoration recorder of events and back again. Instead of a perambulation where Stow takes the reader by the hand through London’s streets, it is now a huge boisterous party — with Munday, Blome, Strype and others all coming along, interrupting one another, hailing the new and the old using the same authorial ‘I’ — an ‘I’ that is sometimes nostalgic and regretful, sometimes enthusiastic and forward-looking.

It emphatically does not conform to our modern sense of a scholarly edition of a celebrated work. Nevertheless, Strype’s sprawling edition creates an altogether richer melange of materials. Rather than being frozen in the past, the Survey of London lives in Strype’s present, speaking of new developments as well as recording old ones. Moreover, as a repository of the knowledge, ideas and manuscript discoveries of this most indefatigable of antiquaries, Strype’s Survey of London still represents a treasure trove for the historian of London.

END

Footnotes

  1. Much of the following text is adapted from J.F. Merritt, ‘The reshaping of Stow’s Survey’, in J.F. Merritt (ed.), Imagining Early Modern London. Perceptions and Portrayals of the City from Stow to Strype, 1598-1720 (Cambridge, 2001), pp. 52-88.
  2. Munday, Survey (1618), ‘The Epistle Dedicatory’, sig. 2.
  3. For a fuller discussion see Merritt, ‘Reshaping’, pp. 54-67.
  4. Ibid., pp. 67-73.
  5. John J. Morrison, ‘Strype’s Stow: the 1720 Edition of ‘A Survey of London’’, London Journal 3 (1977), pp. 42-7, 54 n.68.
  6. Ibid., pp. 41, 47.
  7. Merritt, ‘Reshaping’, p. 86.
  8. Ibid., p. 84 n.114.
  9. Ibid., pp. 85-6; Morrison, ‘Strype’s Stow’, p. 47.
  10. See also J.F. Merritt, The Social World of Early Modern Westminster (Manchester, 2005), pp. 202-5.
  11. For a fuller discussion see Merritt, ‘Reshaping’, pp. 76-84.
  12. John J. Morrison, ‘John Strype: historian of the English Reformation’, PhD thesis, University of Syracuse (1976), pp. 21-8, 37.
  13. Ibid., pp. 33, 67, 70-3, 284, 287-97.
  14. I.ii.181; Survey (1754), I.ii.501-2.

And to bring us no now, one of my favorite things to do in London is to follow the Old wall, much of which s marked on the sidewalk roads and Walls themselves, Of course Stow did this and there is an Appendix to this edition giving you as guided tour

 

 

 

 

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“Truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing”

930G Thomas Aquinas 1225-1274. editor Theodoricus de Susteren.

Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris s[an]cti Thome Aquinatis. que olim … me[n]dis scatebat. Nouissime iam per … magistru[m] nostru[m] Theodericum de Susteren co[n]uentus Coloniens[is] fratru[m] predicatoru[m] regentem … laboriose reuisa … feliciter incipit.

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930G Thomas Aquinas 1225-1274

Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris s[an]cti Thome Aquinatis. que olim … me[n]dis scatebat. Nouissime iam per … magistru[m] nostru[m] Theodericum de Susteren co[n]uentus Coloniens[is] fratru[m] predicatoru[m] regentem … laboriose reuisa … feliciter incipit.

Cologne : Heinrich Quentell, 7 Mar. 1499                                        $11,500

Folio 10 1/2 X 8 inches 2°: A-Z6,Aa-Gg6; {signature Dd signed De)   Third Edition/The final 15th century edition.

Blind-tooled front and back covers (including some blind-tooled letters), full calf on DSC_0122thick boards. Clasps missing, catchplates present. Foxing throughout, with some red and green ink dots along edges. Front pastedown shows slight signs of water damage. Occasional small red stains on text block (e.g. E3v and Q5), likely from the books’ rubricator, but otherwise a clean text block. “Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris sancti Thome Aquinatis…”First written around 1256, Thomas Aquinas’ “Disputed Questions on Truth” defends “the view that truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing… Most importantly, he develops a notion of truth of being (what might be called “ontological truth”) along with truth of the intellect (what might be called “logical truth”)” (Wippel, 295)

DSC_0126Sections include: Truth; God’s Knowledge; Ideas; The Divine Word; Providence; Predestination; The Book of Life; The Knowledge of Angels; The Communication of Angelic Knowledge; The Mind; The Teacher; Prophecy; Rapture; Faith; Higher and Lower Reason; Synderesis; Conscience; The Knowledge of the First Man in the State of Innocence; Knowledge of the Soul After Death; The Knowledge of Christ; Good; The Tendency to Good and the Will; God’s Will; Free Choice; Sensuality; The Passions of the Soul; Grace; The Justification of Sinners; and The Grace of Christ.

For each topic, Aquinas reviews the topic’s Difficulties, and then responses with ‘To the Contrary’ and ‘Reply’. Aquinas concludes each topic with an “Answers to Difficulties” section, demonstrating his typical insightful worldview and readable literary style.“Everything is a being essentially. But a creature is good not essentially but by participation. Good, therefore, really adds something to being (“Good” [U1v]

translation from   http://dhspriory.org/thomas/QDdeVer21.htm).

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Goff T181;(Columbia University, Union Theological Seminary;HEHL; LC ;Massachusetts Historical Society;YUL)  ;  BMC I, 289/90; Only one Copy in The British Isles (BL)

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Impressa Agrippine. opera atq[ue] impe[n]sis p[ro]uidi viri Henrici Quentell. ciuis eiusdem. Anno salutis humane nonagesimonono supra millesimumquadringentesimu[m] Ipso die celebritatis autoris cursu felici ad finem vsq[ue] perducta.

 

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Hugh Latimer The First& …. Sermon preached before King Edward, March 8, 1549

“Of all the English Reformers, Bishop Hugh Latimer was the most popular in his time and probably has the greatest place in the affections of posterity.   Although a passionate preacher and a zealot for reform, in a day when religious executions were all too common, he completed his three-score years and ten, before sealing his testimony with his blood”

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Edward VI listening to a sermon by Hugh Latimer at St. Paul’s Cross, London on January 29, 1548.

(Harold S. Darby, Hugh Latimer (London: Epworth Press, 1953), p. 7.)

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Latimer preaching to Edward VII From John Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, artist unknown.

850G Hugh Latimer 1485-1555

 

The fyrste Sermon of Mayster Hughe Latimer, whiche he preached before the kynges Maiest. wythin his graces palayce at Westminster M. D. XLIX. the viii. of Marche. (,’,) Cu gratia et Privilegio ad imprimendum solum.

[bound with]

The seconde Sermon of Maister Hughe Latimer, whych he preached before the Kynges maiestie, iv in his graces Palayce at Westminister y. xv. day of Marche. M. ccccc.xlix. Cum gratia et Privilegio ad Imprimendum solum.

[London: by Jhon Day, dwellynge at Aldergate, and Wylliam Seres, dwellyng in Peter Colledge, 1549]                                                                  $14,200

 

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DSC_0076Octavo 137 x 88 mm A-D8, A-Y8, Aa-Ee8 (Lacking Ee7 and 8, undoubtedly blank.) First editions, each of the two works is one of three or four undated variants, attributed to the year 1549. This copy is bound in nineteenth century calfskin, the hinges starting to crack but holding strong.

DSC_0078 The Encyclopedia Britannica calls Hugh Latimer’s sermons, “classics of their kind. Vivid, racy, terse in expression; profound in religious feeling, sagacious in their advice on human conduct. To the historical student they are of great value as a mirror of the social and political life of the period.”

“All things which are written, are written for our erudition and knowledge. All things that are written in God’s book, in the Bible book, in the book of the Holy Scripture, are written to be our doctrine.” (from Hugh Latimer’s Sermon of the Plow)

“This was the first of Latimer’s famous Lenten sermons on the duty of restoring stolen goods which resulted in the receipt of considerable sums of ‘conscience money.’” (Phorzimer Catalogue)“The seven sermons which he preached before the king in the following Lent are a curious combination of moral fervor and political partisanship, eloquently denouncing a host of current abuses, and paying the warmest tribute to the government of Somerset.” (DNB)

 

STC 15270.7; STC 15274.7; Pforzheimer #581 and 582; McKerrow & Ferguson 64.

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FROM :

Article reprinted from Cross†Way Issues Winter 1994, Spring 1995, Spring 1996, Summer 1996 & Autumn 1996 (Nos. 55, 56 60, 61 & 62)

(C)opyright Church Society; material may be used for non-profit purposes provided that the source is acknowledged and the text is not altered.

HUGH LATIMER – APOSTOLIC PREACHER.   By David Streater.:

 

“With the accession of Edward VI at the beginning of 1547, the danger to Latimer’s life receded and he was released from the Tower of London under a general pardon. He returned to preaching and as Darby says in his book, Hugh Latimer (1953):-

Latimer’s fame is most secure as a preacher. It was in that way that he served best in the days of Henry VIII: it was almost the only way that he served during the short reign of his son. The six years gave him his fullness of opportunity to follow his natural bent.

It was during these years that the First Prayer Book of 1549 and the Second, more Protestant, Prayer Book of 1552 were drawn up with the Forty Two Articles and the First Book of Homilies. With such a programme of reform, it was clear that Latimer would be the natural choice to return to

the See of Worcester. He was invited to do so but he declined the appointment on the ground of age and infirmity. This was accepted, and as preaching was his high calling, he preached extensively before the young king. Most of our knowledge of his sermons dates from this period of his ministry. He became a champion, not only of the spoken word, but of the Word preached directly to the present congregation. It was a word relevant to the condition of the nation as a whole.

His earlier convocation sermon which had attacked the lethargy and worldliness of the clergy had won Latimer the respect of the nation. His refusal of high office and the wealth which went with it gained their hearts. It would be true to say that no other English preacher has ever been held in such high esteem, including the Wesleys and George Whitefield, as well as Charles Spurgeon. It would also be true to say that no other preacher has ever accomplished as much good in the life of the nation. The records of the State Paper Office and British Museum bear out this testimony. But Latimer was now ageing and after Lent 1550, he resigned as the King’s preacher and he returned to his home country, his beloved Midland Counties, continuing to preach from Lincolnshire to Warwickshire.”

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Latimer preaching to Edward VII From John Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, artist unknown.

Hugh Latimer preaching to King Edward VI of England, a woodcut in John Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, better known as Foxe’s English Martyrs. By the time this book was published in 1563, Edward VI was revered as a pious patron of the English Reformation, a new Josiah who loved nothing better than to hear sermons, during which he often took notes. He is depicted here listening from a gallery to a sermon by Bishop Hugh Latimer, who, along with Thomas Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley, was a key figure in the development of Protestantism in Edward’s reign and, like them, a martyr under Edward’s Catholic successor Queen Mary I. Historian Diarmaid MacCulloch stresses the accuracy of this image of Edward, though fellow historian Jennifer Loach cautions against too ready an acceptance of the portrayal of Edward by Reformation propagandists such as Foxe, who called Edward a “godly imp”. The pulpit in the Privy Garden at the Palace of Whitehall had been built by Henry VIII in an enclosure which continued to be used for animal-baiting and wrestling. The king’s pulpit became the most fashionable preaching place in London, provoking Latimer to complain: “Surely it is an ill misorder that folk shall be walking up and down in the sermon-time, as I have seen in the place this Lent: and there shall be such huzzing and buzzing in the preacher’s ear that it maketh him oftentimes to forget his matter”. (References: Diarmaid MacCulloch, The Boy King: Edward VI and the Protestant Reformation, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002, pp. 21–25, 107; Jennifer Loach, Edward VI, New Haven (CT): Yale University Press, 1999, pp. 180–81.) & Chris Skidmore, Edward VI: The Lost King of England, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2007, ISBN 9780297846499.

Rare Early Law Books 1547-1698. Sale!!!

923GAntonio MatteiFl 16th Century

Antonii de Matthaeis rom. iurisconsulti clariss. Prorogationis fori & competentiae, praeuentionis, & iuris reuocandi domum, reconuentionis, et reorum transmissionis. Tractatus.

Romae: Impensis Antonii Bladi Asulani, 1547.                     $1,750
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Quartoπ2 A-R4.(lacking R4 most likely Blank ,as the only other copy I found does not have a page)   Most likey the first and only edition
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This copy is bound in a 13th century manuscript leaf, from a Bolognese manuscript of the Liber Extra.  There is damage on the margins of the first five

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 signatures, not effecting the text.Expertly repaired. The binding has been professionally  stabilized and is quite serviceable.
Ther are deckel edges suggesting this is the original sewing and binding. Alexandro Farnesio S. R. E. Cardinali ac Vicecancellario digniss. studiosorum perpetuo Mecoenati. Antonius de Matthaei foelicitatem. I could not find out anything about Antonio Mattei.
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525G Corsi (Corsetus), Rainaldi. 1525-1582

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Venetijs : apud Io. Andream Valuassorem,1568                     $1,100

Octavo, 4 X 6 inches. A-L8 This copy is bound in its original limp vellum binding, with the book plate of Los Angeles Law Library. It is a very nice copy.

 

 

 

567G Elenus, , Hieronymus. died 1576. (dedicated to Oß, Anton van.)

Diatribarum seu exercitationum ad jus civile libri tres: quorum primus continet de ratione studii juris orationes tres; secundus, locorum quorundam juris novas explicationes ad legum antinomias; tertius, carmen de regulis juris civilis.

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Antwerpen : Christoph Plantin,1576            $1,000

Octavo, . First edition 171 leaves., [1] This copy is bound in modern quarter calf.

This text seems to be in Otto, E. Thesaurus juris romani, v. 2.Basileae : Impensis Joh. Ludovici Brandmulleri, 1741-1744, Which you have two copies of, but maybe this is different? The true book (1576 printing seems very rare and not available electronically) Elenus, is asls listed as an added author on Lancelotti’s Institutionum iuris canonici libri IIII : qui dilucido ordine, atque magna facilitate ad vniuersum ius pontificium expeditissimum aditum parant 

Elenus: Jerome E. . (Elen or Eelen), Dutch lawyer, philologist and methodologists, born probably around 1520-25 to Baelen in Kempen, died at Antwerp in 1576 His father, Andrew Elen., is praised by him as a capable grammarian; he gave his son his first lessons. Jerome went afterwards to Louvain, where Rescius in Greek and Nannius taught in Latin, and where he studied philosophy with special affection; he belonged to the Pädagogium Castrum, and was issued a MA in 1542. In addition, he studied Law, but seems to have satisfied it with the Licence. Mudäus had then held the chair of institutions, and through him the reformed law was introduced to the old Brabant College; Then he went to Orleans, where he worked with Joachim Hopper joined a close bond of friendship. From there they both went to Paris; Elen. heard here the lectures of the then famous John Straselius (from Strazeele at Bailleul), the Demosthenes interpretirte among others. Back in Leuven, Elen He taught lessons in philology and in the jurisprudence. During the latter part of his life he worked in Antwerp as a lawyer. It was here that he wrote his notes on Institutiones Juris Canonici of the Lancelotti, Antwerp in 1566, and This book the “Diatribarum immersive Exercitationum ad jus civile”, Antwerp, Plantin 1576; This work is included in Otto’s Thesaurus Vol II The first book contains an interesting methodological writing, “Orationes tres de ratione juris studii”; the second number of smaller treatises on various points and issues of the Roman law; the third a rhythmic Paraphrasirung of all the fragments of the title De regulis Juris. – These documents are written in Leuven; Elen. referred to themselves as “non si magni momenti, indignas saltem, quae a tineis et Blattis corroderentur”. Therefore, he decided to collect them and publish. – The little work is dedicated (1574) has been the Brussels Ammann Anton van Oss, Lord of Over-and Nederembeek, Castellan of Vilvoorde, a famous man, the mayor of Brussels and head of the local Spanish party; he was Elenus’ youth comrade and whose father had been his teacher.

Voet Plantin Nr. 1121

 

 

 

337G Novari, Giovanni Maria & Barbato, Horatio.

Tractatvs de miserabilivm personarvm privilegiis, in qvo complvres singvlares materiae ad earum fauorem in vsu forensi quotidianae, & frequentes, tum iuxta iuris communis, quam municipalis regni dispositionem, supremorum totius orbis tribunalium, placita accuratè, exactèq; dilucidantur :opus sane practicabile, curiosum, necessarium, & utile.

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[bound with]

De Restitutionis incertorum et male ablatorum privilegiis fertilis et praegnans tractatus… Accesserunt in calce nonnullae allegationes V. I. D. Francisci Severini.
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[bound with]

De restitutorio interdicto ac de reuocanda possessione liber singularis : ad intellectum reg. pragm. Regni Neap. incipientis, assistentiam sub titulo de assistentia praestanda : in quo praeter huberem tractatum, obligationis bonoru[m], pacti de capiendo constituti, excussionis, ac hypothecariae, nihilum penè desiderari potest in materia, quin luculenter, copiosèq[ue] tractetur.

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Neapoli: ex Typographia Dominici Maccarani 1637 et Typis Luca & Antonii de Fusco ,1669

and

Neapoli: ex Typographia Dominici Maccarani 1637 et Typis Luca & Antonii de Fusco ,1669

and

Neapoli: Per Jacobum Gaffari; 1637 Sumptibus Io.Domenici Bove . 1637,            $1,200

π4 (unsigned) A-Y4,Z2,Aa-Cc2 [Bound with] π2,A-K4,L2 [Bound with] π1,A4 (π2 blank) B-Z4, Aa-Bb4,Cc6, a1, ß3,b-c4,d6. [All three are complete]

These three folio volumes are bound in 17th century full green reversed calf, the spine has been eroded, but the binding is strong and solid.

These three books relate in more than a local way,they all deal with ‘material rights’.

The first, poor law, the second wills and the third is on restitution of property.

 

 

 

Gleeson Library Remembers: John Ashbery

Very Nice!

Gleeson Gleanings: News & Updates from Gleeson Library | Geschke Center, USF

“I tried each thing, only some were immortal and free.” – John Ashbery, Self-Portrait in a Convex Mirror

Americanpoet John Ashbery  passed away on Sunday September 3, 2017 at age 90. In his acclaimed career, Ashbery published more than 20 volumes of poetry, most noted for their intricacy and controversy. He has won almost every major American poetry award, including the Pulitzer Prize, the National Book Award, the Yale Younger Poets Prize, the Bollingen Prize, the Ruth Lilly Poetry Prize, the Griffin International Award, and a MacArthur “Genius” Grant. Ashbery is remembered by the public mostly for his reflective work titled Self -Portrait in a Convex Mirror, and this where his legacy most strongly lives on. These poems are rooted in radical and complex ideas, yet portrayed with simple and non-grammatical line structure. The stream of lines and stanzas move…

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Three Reformation Pamphlets

70G Desiderius Erasmus d. 1536

Lingua, per Des. Erasmum Roterodamum : cui accessit Plutarchi Chaero nei De immodica verecundia libellus.

Lyon; Gryphius1538.                 $ 2,275

Octavo a-p8;a8, B4. This copy has been recently rebound in handsome full modern calfskin, without decoration.

md18867469958The “Lingua” is a treatise on the power of the human tongue for good and for evil. It is the work of one of the most famous characters of the Renaissance. It was published at about the time that Luther’s “Table Talk” was published, the same time that Erasmus made his final break with the Reformation movement and decided to attempt a reform of the roman catholic church from the inside. Although this work seems to have been printed in 1525 (according to Adams) it was not produced by Froben, who was Erasmus’ printer until this 1526 edition. The book belongs to the series of widespread and widely used textbooks, with which Erasmus gave shape to the educational program of a Christian humanism. This program included, among other things, the fact that linguistic education must go hand in hand with moral education. In the same way, Erasmus gives numerous examples of the right use or misuse of language in moral terms, based on ancient and biblical history. Vander Haeghen, I, 117; Baudrier VIII, 116; not with Bezzel.

 

971G Nikolas Herman(n)

Ain mandat Jhesu Chirsti [sic], an alle seyne getrewen Christen/ in welchem er auff gebewt allen so jm inn der tauff verhaissen vñ geschworen haben dz sy, das verlorne schloss (den glauben) an seyn wort dem teüfel widerumb abgwinnen sollen. Gezogen ausz der hayligen geschrifft

[Augsburg] : [Melchior Ramminger],1524 $3,200

md20489073384Quarto A-B4 (B4 blank) One of about 10 prints in the year of the first edition. bound in limp marbel paper.

Nikolaus Herman(n)s most successful writing and one of the most frequently printed flyers of the Reformation period. At first anonymous, it was at first thought to be Luther’s writing. Hermann’s later significance is mainly due to his contributions to the development of the Protestant church member. In this ‘mandate of Jesus’ the literary form of the heavenly letter is used for the purposes of the Reformation for the first time. The mandate comes directly from Jesus and evokes the medieval fiefdom with Jesus as a hereditary prince, to whom all the baptized by their baptism have paid homage. The Evangelist Matthew appears as chancellor, Paul as chief man. All are summoned to recapture the castle lost to the devil (the Gospel falsified by the Papists). Kuczynski 1006; VD 16 H 2390; vgl. NDB 8, 628

 

 

972G Thomas STÖR

Von dem Cristlichen Weingarten, wie den die geystlichen hymel Böck, durch jre erdichte triegerey vnd menschen fünd, verwüstet vnd zu nicht gemacht haben, auch wie der selbig durch verkündung hailsamer Euangelischer leer, widerumb fruchtbar zumachen sey

(Augsburg, H. Steiner, 1524)                     $3,000

19662556881Quarto A-F4 (24) One of three prints the same year (each with different colations) Bound in modern boards First edition of a polemical pamphlet which compares the church to a desolated vineyard to be restored through proper Christian teachings. The most comprehensive text of this Protestant layman. In order to make the devastated species of the Lord fruitful again, the uneducated and impious preachers and parishioners of a phony pharisaic change must be removed from the preaching office. In their place the churches are “menner aines christlichen lebens, und hailsamer leer (zu) verordnen”.. Correspondingly, in the first part, Scripture contains a massive criticism of the old clergy, the “evil gardeners” .

Kocher-Benzing 153, 117.

 

 

Letters from the living to the living 1703

696G Anon

Letters from the living to the living, Relating to the Present transactions both Publick and Private. With their several answers. Under the following Heads, Viz. Reformation. The P— of P–pl–r, to a City Knight, for some years since one of the Elect, but now under a State of Reprobation, &c. Sing-Song Tigellius the Undone, the Unfortunate Tigellius, to his Brethren at Will’s Coffee-House. Clement the Pope, to the Doge, and Republick of Venice. Mr. J— F— to Mr. J— P— Abridgment a Bookseller, to Original an Author. The Two hundred Maidens at the Bath, to the Virgins in Oxford. The Duke of Burgundy to the King of Spain. Tom Double to his Brother Under-Spur-Leather in the Country. John D— by the Pharisaical Printer, to John T–d the Scribe. From a Voluntier at St. Maries to his Friend in London. A Letter from a young Officer at Vigo, to his Friend at London. Gossip Murray the Projector to Inquisitive Love-News. Written by Several Hands.

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London : [s.n.], printed in the year, 1703. $1,500

Octavo 4 3/3 X t 1/2 inches A-O8 P4 *4 **8 First Edition This is bound in original full panneled calf it is quite a nice copy,rebacked about 30 years ago. This is an imitation of Brown’s Letters from the dead to the living Brown’s Letters from the Dead to the Living, had gone through several editions, and this is a fairly obvious climb onto that bandwagon. But it has some distinct moments: “Case-harden’d Abridgment” the bookseller embodies the fashion for producing abridgments of works in order to circumvent copyright: “it’s every Man’s Copy, provided you take only [the author’s] Sense, and not make use of his Words.” And so author “Original” should add himself “to the rest of my Scribes, that are now under my Pay, and Writing whatever comes upper-most, that we may be the first that comes out to Cheat the World.” Apparently there are two states of the text of this book. In this copy, the earlier state, there is a passage in a letter and poem from “Inquisitive Love-News” attacking the debt-written owner of “Chelsea-house.” second numbering [p19-22] This must have been deemed too risky, as the two leaves in this state were afterwards cancelled and replaced by a single leaf.

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See:[Foundations of the Novel, ed. Michael F. Shugrue] (New York/ London, 1973).

The New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature, Volume 2 col. 342

And of course a very early use of the phrase “Son of a Bitch to describe a person!!!

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John Ashbery

The Vale of Soul-Making

Most reckless things are beautiful in some way, and recklessness is what makes experimental art beautiful, just as religions are beautiful because of the strong possibilities that they are founded on nothing. ― John Ashbery

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The First English Catholic New Testament in English,printed in England. ……. translated by the papists of the traiterous seminarie at Rhemes

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The text of the Nevv Testament of Iesus Christ, translated out of the vulgar Latine by the papists of the traiterous seminarie at Rhemes. With arguments of bookes, chapters, and annotations, pretending to discouer the corruptions of diuers translations, and to cleare the controuersies of these dayes. VVhereunto is added the translation out of the original Greeke, commonly vsed in the Church of England, with a confutation of all such arguments, glosses, and annotations, as conteine manifest impietie, of heresie, treason and slander, against the catholike Church of God, and the true teachers thereof, or the translations vsed in the Church of England … By William Fulke, Doctor in Diuinitie

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London:  Christopher Barker, printer to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie 1589                                                                   $18,000

Folio * A-Y 2A-2Y 3A-3Y 4A-4V 4X First Edition

This copy is bound in full older calf, a very sound and impressive copy.image002

The Rheims version and the Bishops’ Bible version in parallel columns, with Fulke’s commentary at the end of each chapter. The Rheims version is translated from the Vulgate chiefly by Gregory Martin; the Bishops’ Bible translation was overseen by Matthew Parker.In England the Protestant William Fulke ironically popularized the Rheims New Testament through his collation of the Rheims text and annotations in parallel columns alongside the 1572 Protestant Bishops’ Bible. Fulke’s work (as here) was first published in 1589; and as a consequence the Rheims text and notes became easily available without fear of criminal sanctions.

Not only did Douay-Rheims influence Catholics, but also it had a substantive influence on the later creation of the King James Bible. The Authorized Version is distinguished from previous English Protestant versions by a greater tendency to employ Latinate vocabulary, and the translators were able to find many such terms (for example: emulation Romans 11:14) in the Rheims New Testament. Consequently, a number of the latinisms of the Douay–Rheims, through their use in the King James Bible, have entered standard literary English. Douay-Rheims would go on through several re-printings on both sides of the continent.

The translators of the Rheims New Testament appended a list of neologisms in their work, including many latinate terms that have since become assimilated into standard English. Examples include “acquisition”, “adulterate”, “advent”, “allegory”, “verity”, “calumniate”, “character”, “cooperate”, “prescience”, “resuscitate”, “victim”, and “evangelise”.

While such English may have been generated through independent creation, nevertheless the totality demonstrates a lasting influence on the development of English vocabulary. In addition the editors chose to transliterate rather than translate a number of technical Greek or Hebrew terms, such as “azymes” for unleavened bread, and “pasch” for Passover. Few of these have been assimilated into standard English. One that has is “holocaust” for burnt offering.

The First English Catholic New Testament in English,printed in England.

“The ‘editio princeps’ of the Roman Catholic version of the New Testament in English. Translated from the Vulgate by Gregory Martin, under the supervision of William Allen and Richard Bristow. According to the “Douai Diaries”, Martin began the translation in October1578 and completed it in March 1582.

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“The translation adheres very closely to the Latin, though it shows traces of careful comparison with the Greek. But its groundwork was practically supplied by the existing English versions, from which Martin did not hesitate to borrow freely. In particular there are very many striking resemblances between Martin’s renderings and those in Coverdale’s diglot of 1538. Martin’s own style is often disfigured by Latinisms.

“This Rheims New Testament exerted a very considerable influence on the King James version of 1611, transmitting to it not only an extensive vocabulary, but also numerous distinctive phrases and turns of expression. (See J.G. Carleton’s exhaustive analysis, The Part of Rheims in the Making of the English Bible. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1902.)

“Since the English Protestants used their vernacular translations not only as the foundation of their own faith but as siege artillery in the assault on Rome, a Catholic translation became more and more necessary in order that the faithful could answer, text for text, against the ‘intolerable ignorance and importunity of the heretics of this time.’ The chief translator was Gregory Martin… Technical words were transliterated rather than translated. Thus many new words came to birth… Not only was [Martin] steeped in the Vulgate, he was, every day, involved in the immortal liturgical Latin of his church. The resulting Latinisms added a majesty to his English prose, and many a dignified or felicitous phrase was silently lifted by the editors of the King James Version and thus passed into the language” (Great Books and Book Collectors, 108).

The names, numbers, and chapters of the Douay–Rheims Bible and the Challoner revision follow that of the Vulgate and therefore differ from those of the King James Version and its modern successors, making direct comparison of versions tricky in some places. For instance, the books called Ezra and Nehemiah in the King James Version are called 1 and 2 Esdras in the Douay–Rheims Bible. The books called 1 and 2 Esdras in the KJV are called 3 and 4 Esdras in the Douay, and were classed as apocrypha.

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STC (2nd ed.), 2888; Darlow & Moule (Rev. 1968), 202

Incunabula

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OK so by clicking on the following links, you SHOULD get the index to my most recent Fascicule :

# VIII F VIII index and then  the complete catalogue Fascicule no 8INIf that doesn’t work please find below the text:

 

945G       Eusebius 1473 :Goff E119; BMC I 194.     (Boston Public Library, Indiana Univ)

723G       Bonaventura 1476 :Goff   B959 BMC II 434.

957G       Mediavilla 1476-7 Goff M 424 BMC V 206. (St Louis Univ., Pius XII Memorial      Library ()  &     YUL (–) i.e. both defective)

946G       Bonaventura 1477 :Goff B858; BMC XII 16; Walsh 1701

951G         Vincentius 1481 :Goff V277 BMC III 746.

836G       Blanchellus 1483 Goff B693;BMC HR 3228. (HEHL only!)

 

907G       Johannes de Verde 1498 & 1494 Goff J468 & J470. (Harvard & St Bonaventure Univ)

942G       Carcano 1496 :Goff C197; H 4507*; BMC V 386. (HEHL,Harv,CL,LC,St Bonaventure, Univ of Kentucky, Univ. of Minn)                            

922 G      Bernardinus deBusti, 1498 &1498 : Goff B1336;BMC V 387.

930G     Thomas Aquinas 1499 : Goff T181. (Columbia, Union Theological;HEHL Mass. Historical;YUL)

723G       Raymond, of Sabunde 1502. Adams S-36; VD 16, R 174.

756G       Diodorus 1505-1508; Goff D214. GW VII Sp.431a (HarvCL, N.L.M. ,Williams,YUL)

 

Fascicule no 8IN

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1)   945G           Eusebius of Caesarea                  c. 260-c. 340

Eusebius Pa[m]phili de eua[n]gelica preparac[i]o[n]e ex greco in latinu[m] translatus Incipit feliciter.         

[ Cologne, Ulrich Zel, not after 1473]                          $14,000

Folio     10 ¾ x 7 ¾ inches.       [a]12, [b-o]10, [p]8           One of the earliest editions, (editio princeps : Venice 1470) This copy is bound in a modern binding of half vellum with corners, flat spine (spine renewed, boards slightly rubbed, inside joints split).

This copy contains the fifteen books of the “Praeparatio evangelica,” whose purpose is “to justify the Christian in rejecting the religion and philosphy of the Greeks in favor of that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not observing the Jewish manner of life […] The following summary of its contents is taken from Mr. Gifford’s introduction to his translation of the “Praeparitio:

“The first three books discuss the threefold system of Pagan Theology: Mythical, Allegorical, and Political. The next three, IV-VI, give an account of the chief oracles, of the worship of demons, and of the various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doctrines of Fate and Free Will. Books VII-IX give reasons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the excellency of their Scriptures and the truth of their history. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the Greeks had borrowed from the older theology and philosphy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the supposed dependence of Plato upon Moses. In the the last three books, the comparson of Moses with Plato is continued, and the mutual contradictions of other Greek Philosphers, especially the Peripatetics and Stoics, are exposed and criticized.”

The “Praeparitio” is a gigantic feat of erudition, and, according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120), was, like many of Eusebius’ other works, actually composed during the stress of the persecution. It ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to the Church History in importance, because of its copious extracts from ancient authors, whose works have perished.” (CE)

It is also very interesting because of its numerous lively fragments from historians and philosophers which are nowhere else preserved, e.g. a summary of the writings of the Phoenician priest Sanchuniathon, or the account from Diodorus Siculus’ sixth book of Euhemerus’ wondrous voyage to the island of Panchaea, and writings of the neo-Platonist philosopher Atticus. Eusebius (c. 263-339), Greek historian and exegete, Christian polemicist and scholar Biblical canon, became bishop of Cesarea in 314 and is considered as the father of Church History as his writings are very important for the first three centuries of the Christianity.

Goff E119; BMC I 194

(United States of America: Boston Public Library
Indiana Univ., The Lilly Library (- 2 ff.)
YUL)
;

 

2)       723G  Bonaventura, Saint. (i.e. Conrad of Saxony)

Speculum Beatae Mariae Virginis.


[Augsburg]: Anton Sorg, 29 Feb. 1476                              $9,800

Folio, 11 1/4 X 8 inches . First edition

50 leaves a-e10   This copy is bound in full modern vellum.

First edition This copy is bound in full modern vellum, it is a very Large copy.

No longer attributed to Bonaventura, attributed to Conrad of Saxony whose the Date and place of birth are uncertain. Holyinger is perhaps his family name. The error has been made by some of confounding Conrad of Saxony with another person of the same name who suffered for the Faith in 1284, whereas it is certain that they were two distinct individuals, though belonging to the same province of the order in Germany. Our Conrad became provincial minister of the province of Saxony in 1245, and for sixteen years ruled the province with much zeal and prudence. While on his way to the general chapter of 1279, he was attacked with a grievous illness and died at Bologna in 1279. The writings of Conrad of Saxony include several sermons and now the “Speculum Beatæ Mariæ Virginis”; the latter, at times erroneously attributed to St. Bonaventure, was edited by the Friars Minor at Quaracchi in 1904. The preface to this excellent edition of the “Speculum” contains a brief sketch of the life of Conrad of Saxony and a critical estimate of his other writings. _ This is one of Anton Sorg’s early works and the second edition of this work at his press; the first one being from 29 II 1476 (Hain 3566; GKW 04817).

 

There is not much known about Sorg. He was an apprentice in the printing shop of the monastery of Saint Ulrich and Afra in 1472 and later its director. In 1475 he left the monastery and started his own press in Augsburg. That city was then particularly famed for the craftsmen who produced woodcuts for block-books. In that city book illustration as an art first flourished and Sorg played an important part in that development. Sorg was active in Augsburg between 1475 and 1493. And very active, he was one of the most prolific of the early printers: the GW mentions altogether 242 works. He had close professional ties to other printers, especially the Bämmler and Schönsperger offices, who often used the same illustrations. His most famous edition was the 1477-German Bible.

A peculiarity of Sorg’s press was the use of outlined woodcut initials (after the examples of the medieval manuscript). Often a large outlined initial was inserted at the start of a chapter and within each chapter smaller woodcut initials headed each division. Both large and small initials. Sorg’s use of printed outlines of the letters to be illuminated was not a common practice.

 

In this work there is on the first leaf a splendid 10-line decorative Maiblumen initial Q and furthermore there are 16 3- or 4-line initials (8x A; 4x D; 4x B). Curiously, on leaf 38v there is only an initial space. On Sorg see: Albert Schramm – Der Bilderschmuck der Frühdrucke. Vol. 4: Die Drucke von Anton Sorg in Augsburg (Hiersemann, 1921).

Goff B959 BMC II 434

3) 957G            Richard Mediavilla [Middleton],   d. 1302/3

         Commentum super quartem  Sententarium.

Venice: Christophorus Arnoldus, [circa 1476-7]        $22,000

 

Folio 12 ¼ 9 ¼ inches. a-z10 [et]10 [cum]10 [per]10 A 10 B-D8 (D8v blank and aa1r blank)  aa8 bb10 cc8 {320 leaves complete}

 

Second edition.   This copy is rubricated throughout with nicely complicated red initials. It is bound in an age appropriate binding of full calf over wooden boards wit clasps and catches with quite impressive end bands.DSC_0285

“Middleton, Richard of [Richard de Mediavilla] Franciscan friar, theologian, and philosopher, was born about the middle of the thirteenth century in either England or France. He studied at Paris, where he formed part of the so-called neo-Augustinian movement, defending the philosophy and theology of Augustine against the inroads of Aristotelianism, during the years 1276–87. He probably studied under William of Ware and Matteo d’Acquasparta, usually viewed as principal figures in this movement.
Middleton’s Commentary on Peter Lombard’s ‘Sentences’ was probably begun in 1281 and was completed in 1284, when he became regent master of the Franciscan school in Paris, a post he held until 1287. The chief characteristic of his Commentary is its sober assessment of many of the positions of Thomas Aquinas. However, the tone of his eighty Quodlibet Questions, produced during his regency, is much more critical and on many issues shows a strong anti-Thomist reaction. In this they have more in common with his disputed questions, which were argued after the condemnations of 1277 but before his Sentences commentary. The latter commentary has been edited along with his Quodlibet Questions. A small number of his disputed questions have also been edited, as have six of his sermons.

DSC_0282Middleton’s link to the neo-Augustinian movement is seen especially in his treatment of the will, even though he does not entirely follow his teachers, Ware and Acquasparta. For Middleton the will is much more noble than the intellect, since it is much more noble to love God than to understand him. Understanding without the corresponding love separates man from God. However, the key to the will’s nobility is its freedom. The intellect is forced by evidence when evidence is given; the will also is forced by its nature to seek the good, but it is free in choosing the means to its predetermined goal. Even if the intellect were prudent enough to show man the best means to his goal, he would not be forced to adopt them. ‘For although the intellect, like a servant with a lamp, points out the way, the will, like the master, makes the decisions and can go in any direction it pleases’ (Stegmüller, 722).

The superiority of the human will over the intellect further manifests itself in Middleton’s conception of the nature of theology. Certainly, the study of the scriptures attempts to clarify human knowledge of both creator and creatures; principally, however, it aims to stimulate man’s affections. Middleton believes that scripture prescribes laws, forbids, threatens, attracts man through promises, and shows him models of behaviour that he should follow or avoid. The study of scripture perfects the soul, moving it toward the good through fear and love. It is more of a practical science than a speculative endeavour. A theology that is speculative is one that models itself on the theology of the metaphysician or philosopher and tends to reduce Christian faith to reason.

The influence of Aquinas is more in evidence in Middleton’s theory of knowledge. Middleton rejects the illumination theory of Bonaventure and his more loyal followers. Man’s intellectual knowledge can be explained, he argues, by the abstraction performed by the agent intellect from the singulars experienced by the human senses. In short, human individuals know, and they know by means of their own intellectual efforts, not by some special divine illumination. Unlike those who endorse the illumination theory, Middleton contends that there is no direct knowledge of spiritual beings, including God. God is not the first thing known. He can be known only by starting with creatures and by reasoning about their origins or final end. Middleton died in Rheims on 30 March 1302 or 1303.” [Oxford DNB]

Goff M-424; BMC V 206.

(The ISTC shows two US copies…St Louis Univ., Pius XII Memorial Library () & YUL – i.e. both defective)

DSC_0286

 

4)   946G        Bonaventura (fromerly attributed to)             but Nicolaus de Hanapis (1225-1291)

 

Exempla Sacrae Scriptae ex utroque Testamento collecta. (Biblia pauperum;) Virtutum vitiorumque exempla

 

Imp[re]ssioniq[ue] Venetijs deditu[m] : Impe[n]sis Iohannis de Colonia socijq[ue] ei[us] Ioha[n]nis Manthen de Gherretzem, before 1477 (The Paris BN copy was bought at Avignon on 14 August 1477)                       $7,500

 

Folio a-e8, f6, g;a-b8, c6, d8

 

Title from incipit of Breviloquium (leaf [1st]a2r)./ Includes “Biblia Pauperum” attributed to St. Bonaventure, which is a shortened version of a text by Nicolas de Hannapes, Virtutum vitiorumque exempla, more generally called “Exempla sacrae Scripturae”. Cf. Gutenberg Jahrbuch 1936, p. 61-62./ Each work has separate signatures./ Imprint from colophon (leaf The Biblia pauperum (leaves 2a1-2d8) is now usually attributed to Nicolas de Hannapes. Cf. BM 15th cent., GW./ Imprint from colophon./ Signatures: a-c8 f6 g8 2a-2b8 2c6 2d8./ } Bound in Back carton, brown calf case of the with elegant decoration imprinted in gold, with title and date of the work on the front plate. Ancient note of possession to a final glance.

This is the second part only this tract   consists of one of several versions of a text going back to the Virtutum vitiorumque exempla of Nicolaus Hanapus, and generally entitled Exempla sacrae scripturae. The title ‘Biblia pauperum’ and the ascription to St. Bonaventure are both incorrect”. (V. Scholderer in Gb Jb 1936 pp.61-62, reprinted in Fifty Essays (Amsterdam, 1966) pp.140-41: Version E)
Rather than a ‘Pauper’s Bible’ this book is in actuality a “religious exempla” (cautionary stories used to aid preaching). The book presents thousands of examples drawn exclusively from the Bible that enable preachers to illustrate their teaching on virtues and vices and to help the faithful to behave Christianly in public and private life, The moment of death. It was printed for the first time in Venice in 1477 and attributed to St. Bonaventure . It is frequently reissued under various titles. For example, Summa virtutum and viciorum (Cologne 1544, and Paris 1548), Virtutum vitiorumque exempla ex universo divinae scripture promptuario desumta , Flores biblici , Exempla biblica (Augsburg, 1726), or simply as the ‘Bible of the Poor’ , Probably because these narratives were easily understood, and because the publishers had arranged them in alphabetical order

Goff B858; BMC XII 16; Walsh 1701
(US copies :Folger , HEHL (var), HarvCL Indiana Univ., The Lilly Library (Biblia pauperum only)
LC, SMU, Newberry Library, Univ. of Illinois (-),Vassar College)

 

 

5)         951G       Bellovacensis Vincentius     1184-1264

Opuscula [Con: Liber gratiae] ; [Laudes Virginis Mariae] ; [De Sancto Iohanne evangelista] ; [De eruditione filiorum regalium] ; [Consolatio pro morte amici].

 

Basel : Johann Amerbach,,13 dec 1481              $11,000

Folio                π6;a10,b-c8,d-p10/8,q8; r-v10/8 x8;y10 A-b10/8 E-H8;I10,K-P8nbQ10. (338 leaves)
Witn numerous rubicated Inatials and capital strokes, thgis copy is bound in full blind tooled pigskin over wooden boards, lacking clasps but a nice catch!            The life of the Dominican friar Vincent of Beauvais, one of the greatest encyclopedists of the Middle Ages, is shrouded in mystery. His place of birth is unknown; his date of birth remains a matter of speculation, despite the fact that it has variously been listed as 1180 or 1190.
Beauvais’ De eruditione filiorum nobilium (“The education of noble children””
Consolatio pro morte amici is addressed to St. Louis on the death of one of his sons in 1260.                        Goff V277; Walsh 1156;BMC III 746;

 

Boston Public Library (- Liber gratiae),Columbia University,Cornell
Georgetown Univ
HEHL,Harv(M)L,HarvCL,LC,New York Public ,Ohio State ,PML
Univ. of DaytonUniv. of Illinois ,Univ. of Michigan,Univ. of Notre Dame, Univ. of Pennsylvania,WArtGL,YUL

 

6)   836G          Blanchellus, Menghus (Bianchelli, Mengo) 1440-1520

 

Super logicam Pauli Veneti expositio et quaestiones (Menghi Fauentini viri clarissimi in Pauli Veneti logicam commentum cu[m] questionibus quibusdam.)                

 

Impressu[m] Venetiis :[Per] Antoniu[m] [et] strata de Cremona.   1483               $ 18,000

 

Quarto a-t8 u6. This copy is bound in Quarter reverse calf over quarter sawn wooden boards

 

U.S: One copy only: The Huntington Library

 

Title from incipit on a2 recto./ Colophon reads: Me[n]ghi faue[n]tini viri clarissimii Pauli veneti logica[m] Co[m]e[n]tu[m] cu[m] q[uesti]onib[us] no[n]nullis feliciter finit. Impressu[m] Venetiis Su[m]ma cu[m] dilige[n]tia [per] Antoniu[m] & strata de Cremona. Anno ab i[n]carnat[i]o[n]e d[omin]ni. Mcccclxxxiii. vi calendas Septe[m]bris. Joha[n]ne mocenico iclito veneto[rum] duce./ Text printed in 2 columns; 46 lines. With initial spaces; without foliation and catchwords. Register at end
Rare philosophical treatise by the philosopher and physician M. Blanchellus (about 1440-1520), giving an explanation of the work of Paul of Venice, the important logician and realist of the Middle Ages.
Took part in a “disputation” with Pico della Mirandola in Florence

 

Goff B693; HR 3228; IBE 1072; IGI 1751; BSB-Ink B-545; GW 4406

 

 

 

 

8 & 9)             907G          Johannes de Verde (d.1437)

                     Sermones Dormi secure vel dormi sine cura de t[em]p[or]e.
                                         [bound with]
Sermones Dormi secure de tempore et de sanctis.

Nuremberg : Anton Koberger, 12 Mar. 1498
Nuremberg : Anton Koberger,    5 Jan. 1494                                                 $12,000

Folio 11 X 8 inches A (-A1)-F8 G6 [bound with] a-e8 f6 g-k8 I10

The first works lacks title slug. The second work is complete. These two books are rubicated in red and blue throuout. It has a manuscript index on the verso of the final leaf. It is bound in blind stamped original calf over wooden boards ,nicely rebacked.  The two parts of the famous preaching collection of the Franciscan monk Johannes de Verdana , who, besides Johann von Minden and Heinrich von Werl, belonged to the three best known German preachers of the thirties of the fifteenth century.

The “Sermones Dormi secure” is a command to calm the preacher who can keep his sermons on Sundays and holidays (de tempore et de sanctis) without his having so stay up all night composing your own texts. Compiled by a Franciscan friar, this collection of 71 sermons was intended to provide sample texts for those preachers who could not create their own. The nickname of the collection, “dormi secure” (“sleep soundly”), may have implied jokingly that its users were too ignorant or lazy to compose new sermons on short deadlines.

Although it was a highly successful book, appearing in dozens of editions, Martin Luther dismissed it as :

   “donkey dung, introduced by the devil.”

(oh Luther)

This practical preaching document was particularly popular and was printed between 1476 and 1500 in more than 30 editions in Germany, France, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Numerous other editions were held until the 17th century.

ad1) De tempore: Goff J468; HC 15977; Walsh 759; Pr 2120; BMC II

ad2)De sanctis: Goff J470; HC 15979 Walsh 736; Pr 2087; BMC

(Goff and ISTC showing only two copies in the US :Harvard & St Bonaventure Univ)

 

 

10)   942G     Michæl (Michaelis Mediolanensis) Carcano         ( 1427- 1484)
Sermonarium de poenitentia per adventum et per quadragesimam fratris Michaelis Mediolanensis.

Venice : Georgius Arrivabenus, 28 Sept. 1496                                     $9,000

Folio a-z8 [et]8 [con]8 [rum]8 A-E8 F10.   This copy is bound in bind-tooled pigskin over wooden boards,        Carcano was one of the great Franciscan preachers of the 15th-century, In his book there are 92 sermons for Advent and Lent, that amount to a systematic treatment of penitence. Carcano’s preaching was much admired by Bernardino da Feltre, who called him ‘alter sanctus apostolus Paulus et Christi Tuba’.

Quadragesimale seu sermonarium de penitentia duplicatum per aduentu[m] videlicet & quadragesima[m] a venerabili viro fratre Michaele Mediolanensi ordinis fratrum minorum de obseruantia editum: qui tum sanctimonia vite, tu[m] ferue[n]tissima verbi dei p[re]dicatione a deo inumeris meruit corruscare miraculis felici numine explicitum est. Impressu[m] Venetijs optimaq[ue] castigatione eme[n]datu[m]: per Georgiu[m] de Arriuabenis Ma[n]tuanum. Anno d[omi]ni .M.cccclxxxxvj. die .xxviij. Septembris./

 

Goff C197; H 4507*;; Walsh 2140; BMC V 386   (HEHL,Harv CL,LC,St Bonaventure Univ ,Univ. of Kentucky,   Univ. of Minnesota)

“Truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing”

 

11)         930G Thomas Aquinas 1225-1274. editor Theodoricus de Susteren.

Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris s[an]cti Thome Aquinatis. que olim … me[n]dis scatebat. Nouissime iam per … magistru[m] nostru[m] Theodericum de Susteren co[n]uentus Coloniens[is] fratru[m] predicatoru[m] regentem … laboriose reuisa … feliciter incipit.

 

Cologne : Heinrich Quentell, 7 Mar. 1499                                        $12,500

Folio 10 1/2 X 8 inches 2°: A-Z6,Aa-Gg6; {signature Dd signed De}   Third Edition, the final 15th century edition.

Bound in blind-tooled calf including some blind ’title’ on the front board, full calf over wooden boards. Clasps missing, but the catch-plates are present. Light foxing, with some red and green ink dots along edges. Front pastedown shows slight signs of water damage. Occasional small red stains on text block (e.g. E3v and Q5), likely from the books’ rubricator, but otherwise a clean text block.

“Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris sancti Thome Aquinatis…”First written around 1256, Thomas Aquinas’ “Disputed Questions on Truth” defends “the view that truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing. Aquinas develops a notion of truth of being (“ontological truth”) along with truth of the intellect (what might be called “logical truth”)” (Wippel, 295)   Subjects: Truth; God’s Knowledge; Ideas; The Divine Word; Providence; Predestination; The Book of Life; The Knowledge of Angels; Communication of Angelic Knowledge; The Mind; The Teacher; Prophecy; Rapture; Faith; Higher and Lower Reason; Synderesis; Conscience; The Knowledge of the First Man in the State of Innocence; Knowledge of the Soul After Death; The Knowledge of Christ; Good; The Tendency to Good and the Will; God’s Will; Free Choice; Sensuality; The Passions of the Soul; Grace; The Justification of Sinners; and The Grace of Christ. For each topic, Aquinas reviews the topic’s Difficulties, and then responses with ‘To the Contrary’ and ‘Reply’. Aquinas concludes each topic with an “Answers to Difficulties” section, demonstrating his typical insightful worldview and readable literary style.“Everything is a being essentially. But a creature is good not essentially but by participation. Good, therefore, really adds something to being (“Good” [U1v])

translation from   http://dhspriory.org/thomas/QDdeVer21.htm).

Goff T181; (Columbia University, Union Theological Seminary;HEHL; LC ;Massachusetts Historical Society;YUL); BMC I, 289/90; Only one Copy in The British Isles (BL)

Impressa Agrippine. opera atq[ue] impe[n]sis p[ro]uidi viri Henrici Quentell. ciuis eiusdem. Anno salutis humane nonagesimonono supra millesimumquadringentesimu[m] Ipso die celebritatis autoris cursu felici ad finem vsq[ue] perducta.

723G Raymond, of Sabunde, . d 1436

Theologia naturalis sive Liber creatura[rum] specialiter de homine [et] de natura eius in qua[n]tum homo. :[et] de his qu[a] sunt ei necessaria ad cognoscendu[m] seip[su]m [et] Deu[m] [et] om[n]e debitu[m] ad q[uo]d ho[mo] tenet[ur] et obligatur tam Deo q[uam] p[ro]ximo.

Impressus Nurembergae : Per Anthoniu[m] koberger [sic] inibi co[n]cluem,1502 $7,800

Folio, 11X 8 inches . This is about the fifth printed edition. A-Q8 R6 In this copy there are contemporary manuscript initials added in red and blue, There is a gilt initial at the beginning of the prologue tooled in the gold leaf into a gesso ground. It is bound in full contemporary Nuremberg blind-tooled brown sheepskin over wooden boards,lacking clasps,

titled is blind stamped on front board with contemporary paper label; There are several inscriptions on title, including reference to the Prologue’s inclusion on the Index Prohibitorum;(1589)there are the usual stains, browning and internal wear, some marginal rodent damage, the binding has been rebacked,it is a good solid copy .

Sabunde was Born at Barcelona, Spain, towards the end of the fourteenth century; died 1432. From 1430 to his death he taught theology, philosophy, and medicine at the University of Toulouse. Apparently, he wrote several works on theology and philosophy, only one of which remains, “Theologia Naturalis”. It was first written in Spanish then translated into Latin.

This text marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scripture and reason.

The Catholic Encyclopedia sees this as “It represents a phase of decadent Scholasticism, and is a defense of a point of view which is subversive of the fundamental principle of the Scholastic method. The

Schoolmen of the thirteenth century, while holding that there can be no contradiction between theology and philosophy, maintain that the two sciences are distinct. Raymond breaks down the distinction by teaching a kind of theosophy, the doctrine, namely that, as man is a connecting link between the natural and the supernatural, it is possible by a study of human nature to arrive at a knowledge even of the most profound mysteries of Faith. The tendency of his thought is similar to that of the rationalistic theosophy of Raymond Lully….Moreover, in Spain scholastics, in combating Islam, borrowed the weapons of their erudite antagonists. Close internal resemblance indicates that Raimund de Sabunde was preceded in method and object by Raymund Lully.” CE

What is new and epoch-making is not the material but the method; not of circumscribing religion within the limits of reason, but, by logical collation, of elevating the same upon the basis of natural truth to a science accessible and convincing to all. He recognizes two sources of

 

knowledge, the book of nature and the Bible. The first is universal and direct, the other serves partly to instruct man the better to understand nature, and partly to reveal new truths, not accessible to the natural understanding, but once revealed by God made apprehensible by natural reason. The book of nature, the contents of which are manifested through sense experience and self-consciousness, can no more be falsified than the Bible and may serve as an exhaustive source of knowledge; but through the fall of man it was rendered obscure, so that it became incapable of guiding to the real wisdom of salvation. However, the Bible as well as illumination from above, not in conflict with nature, enables one to reach the correct explanation and application of natural things and self. Hence, his book of nature as a human supplement to the divine Word is to be the basic knowledge of man, because it subtends the doctrines of Scripture with the immovable foundations of self-knowledge, and therefore plants the revealed truths upon the rational ground of universal human perception, internal and external.

The first part presents analytically the facts of nature in ascending scale to man,the climax; the second, the harmonization of these with Christian doctrine and their fulfillment in the same. Nature in its. four stages of mere being, mere life, sensible consciousness, and self- consciousness, is crowned by man, who is not only the microcosm but the image of God. Nature points toward a supernatural creator possessing in himself in perfection all properties of the things created out of nothing (the cornerstone of natural theology ever after). Foremost is the ontological argument of Ansehn, followed by the physico-theological, psychological, and moral. He demonstrates the Trinity by analogy from rational grounds, and finally ascribes to man in view of his conscious elevation over things a spontaneous gratitude to God. Love is transformed into the object of its affection; and love to God brings man, and with him the universe estranged by sin, into harmony and unity with him. In this he betrays his mystical antecedents. Proceeding in the second part from this general postulation to its results for positive Christianity, he finds justified by reason all the historic facts of revealed religion, such as the person and works of Christ, as well as the infallibility of the Church and the Scriptures; and

the necessity by rational proof of all the sacraments and practices of the Church and of the pope. It should be added that Raimund’s analysis of nature and self-knowledge is not thoroughgoing and his application is far from consistent. He does not transplant himself to the standpoint of the unbeliever, but rather executes an apology on the part of a consciousness already Christian, thus assuming conclusions in advance that should grow only out of his premises.

Yet his is a long step from the barren speculation of scholasticism, and marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scripture and reason.

 

Ole Worm and Thomas Bartholin

With a Letter from Kircher

DSC_0037DSC_0039

Ole Worm and Thomas Bartholin are my two favorite Danish seventeenth century personages. Worm, a generation or so older than his nephew, was an inexhaustible curiosity himself. There is so much to say about Worm, it is hard to imagine that there isn’t a multi-volume biography of him,if there was it would be on my shelf [Next to the Germanus Incredibilis of Kircher] But as far as I know there is not. My first exposure to Worm was when I bought a copy of  The Museum Wormianum, seu Historia rerum rariorum,1655 from Ahab Books back in 1991, it was a wonderful copy, I still miss it! But over the years, every time I have had a chance I’ve bought yet another copy (and sold them).

In 2005 I had the pleasure of seeing What Worm’s museum really looked like at Rosamond Purcell’s  ‘Bringing Nature Inside: 17th Century Natural History, Classification, and Vision,’ Special Exhibition Gallery, Science Center at Harvard.

http://www.news.harvard.edu/gazette/2004/11.04/27-worm.html

That further whetted my desire to find more books By Worm. Since then I’ve had the pleasure of having about half a dozen books by Worm. At the same time I had a few authored by members of the Bartholin family. From this great family Thomas stands out,perhaps it is due to his upbringing…. Thomas wrote many interesting medical books and made notable discoveries. I especially like his little book on the medical use of snow.

In the book I offer today, both Worm and Thomas  Bartholin tackle early artifacts of Tutonic, culture.

Not exactly bracelets...

In the De armillis veterum schedion and De aureo cornu Danico :Worm and Bartholin use their scientific training and imagination tempered with their rare intellects to discuss the obviously valuable and ancient finds,of golden artifacts in a new way, not just physically valuable but historically so.  This book has further intellectual excitement added by  Fortunius Licetus, Who authored a wonderous book on Monsters “De Monstris. Ex recensione Gerardi Blasii” 1616,1665. He gives us his response to Worms interpretation of the images on the Golden Horn.

They try and reconstruct a history lift quite dark by the lack of available written texts. And like Rosamond Purcell’s recreation of The Museum Wormianum, They gave learning nit just a step up but also a step back!

Bartholin and Worm Team up!

326G    Worm,Ole (1588-1654), Bartholin, Thomas, .       1616-1680

De armillis veterum schedion; De armillis vetervm schedion; Thomae Bartholini De armillis vetervm schedion; Olai Wormii De aureo cornu Danico ad Licetum responsio; Olai Wormii De avreo cornv Danico ad Licetum responsio.        

Amstelodami : Sumptibus J.H. Wetstenii,Editio novissima / figuris aeneis illustrata,1676            $1,800

Octavo, .   * 8 A-E 12 F 4 2# A 12 B 8  This copy is bound in an early pasteboard binding.  It has 6 full page plates and one Large fold out plate.

Worm, a Danish physician, antiquary, and historian, was born in Jutland in 1588. He studied medicine at Padua and several German universities, and became in 1613 professor of the humanities at the university of Copenhagen, where he also held the office of rector. He was likewise physician to Christian IV. and his successor Frederick III. Among his principal works are his Fasti Danici (1626), The Most Ancient Danish Literature (1636)… He also wrote valuable treatises on medicine and natural history. He was the first to describe minutely the bones of the skull called Ossa Wormiana.” (Thomas)

A woodcut of an ancient Norse bracelet

Worm’s interests covered natural objects, human artifacts, mythical creatures and ancient inscriptions. He built one of the most well-known curiosity cabinets in Europe, and in 1655 posthumously published Museum Wormianum, or History of the Rarer Things both Natural and Artificial, Domestic and Exotic, which the author collected in his house in Copenhagen.

In”Documentng the Factual and the Artifactual: Ole Worm and Public Knowledge” by Jole Shackelford in Endeavour Magazine, June 1999 The Lore of the Unicorn by Odell Shepard  He writes   “Worm passed along exceptional stories if he believed they came from reliable sources, describing the wondrous attributes of bezoar stones grown inside animal bodies, for instance. Yet he also advocated investigations of unusual objects where possible. Not surprisingly, he considered the authority of ancient “experts” a hindrance to clear thinking. Worm was the first to establish that the “unicorn horn” and narwhal tusks were actually one and the same, as he explained in a dissertation he delivered in 1638. He also disproved the spontaneous generation of lemmings (thought to fall from the sky, perhaps), though he didn’t doubt the spontaneous generation of other organisms.

His most illustrious exploit was the one of unicorns. The legend went that they were magical animals, but he determined that they did not exist which was quite logical as nobody had ever seen them. He also established the truth that their famed, magical horns were nothing but narhwhal tusks. Strangely enough he himself could not shake off some other superstitious beliefs about unicorns. One of them was that the horns of these admittedly non-existent animals could heal people when poisoned. To prove that the legend spoke the truth he set out to poison pets for then feeding them ground-up narhwal tusks in order to save them. According to his reports they did indeed survive being poisoned when fed narhwal tusks.

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Worm passed along remarkable stories if he believed they came from reliable sources, describing the wondrous attributes of bezoar stones grown inside animal bodies, for instance. Yet he also advocated investigations of unusual objects where possible. Not surprisingly, he considered the authority of ancient “experts” a hindrance to clear thinking. Worm was among the first to establish that the “unicorn horn” and narwhal tusks were actually one and the same, as he explained in a dissertation he delivered in 1638. He also disproved the spontaneous generation of lemmings (thought to fall from the sky, perhaps), though he didn’t doubt the spontaneous generation of some other organisms.

Beyond his contributions to natural history, Worm laid the foundations of modern archaeological surveys, recommending assiduous collection of information from every archaeological site. Some historians have argued that Worm’s collection might have spurred the interest of the young Niels Stensen (Steno), who in turn laid the foundations for modern geology. Steno grew up just a few streets away from Worm’s curiosity cabinet. Unfortunately, Worm’s collection did not outlast him very long. His small museum was shuttered after his death, the specimens sent to other collections. Some of the objects likely landed in the Royal Danish Kunstkammer, which Steno did visit, probably more than once.

Thomas Bartholin, 1616-80, physician, naturalist, and philologist, was professor of mathematics and of anatomy at the Univ. of Copenhagen. He was the first to describe the entire lymphatic system. The peripatetic Bartholin, who obtained a medical degree in Basel, also wrote a thesis (never published) on fossil sharks teeth (glossopetrae), which were thought to have value as medicine and a related treatise De unicornu (1645) on unicorn horns. His interest in antiquities probably began while living with his brother-in-law (Ole Worm), after his father’s death(Thomas’ father died when he was only 16 years old )

This horn was found by a young lace maker called Kirsten Svendsdatter in 1639. It was of pure gold, decorated with animals and people and inexplicable symbols. The horn was a treasure trove – a monument to the past.  Worm interpreted it as a war trumpet from the time of Frode Fredegods, decorated with pictures, calling for virtue and good morals. Worm immediately sent his book to Prince Christian and the scholars at home and abroad.

The inscriptions  on this horn demonstrated to scholars of the seventeenth and eighteenth century that the early peoples of northern Europe had their own form of writing and could therefore be considered a civilized society.

The horns may have been either musical instruments or drinking horns, and were probably buried as votive offerings or loot. Each weighed over 3 kg. The first (complete) horn, was found in 1639 and sent to Ole Worm (1588-1654), professor of humanities and medicine in Copenhagen, Denmark. Worm had a famous collection of natural and artificial curiosities and was also a scholar of runic inscriptions. A second horn was found in 1734.

Sadly, both horns were stolen from the Danish royal collections in 1802 and were melted down by the thief.

You can see in Worm’s letters, that not only did the horn make an impression, but also the letter and the interpretation. In that same year there were such lively discussions on the horn among the scholars of Königsberg, now Kaliningrad!

In 1643 Worm reiterated the description of the golden horn in his great work on Danish runic inscriptions,‘Monumenta Danica’. In 1644, his descriptions of the horn reached for scholars and libraries in Schleswig, Königsberg, London, Rome, Venice and Padua. Several learned men wrote poems for him, and the golden horn was mentioned in an Italian manus. Map Cartoonist Johannes Meyer placed the finds on several of his map of South Jutland.

This doesn't look like Moral behavior to me.

When the Swedish commander Torstensson attacked Jutland in 1643, Peter Winstrup wrote a long poem in Latin addressed to the bishop of Scania (which at that time still belonged to Denmark), the poem was called‘Cornicen Danicus’. It was immediately translated into Danish, entitled ‘The Danish Horn Blower’. He interpreted the horn and its images as an warning of war, and his interpretations were very hostile to the Swedish. Paul Egard and Enevold Nielssen Randulf were among some of the other scholars who interpreted the Golden Horn In the 1640s. They were both deans in Holstein, and had a more Christian interpretation of the horn.

All these works were illustrated with copies of Worms depictions of the horn. The Golden Horn remained known throughout the 1600s, both in terms of interpretations of the horn and designs. In Scandinavia, the 17th-century Danish scholars Thomas Bartholin and Ole Worm, and the Swede Olof Rudbeck were the first to set the standard for using runic inscriptions and Icelandic sagas as historical sources.

There is a recent book on the iconic and social development of  the Norse renaissance,The Golden Horns: Mythic Imagination and the Nordic Past  By John L. Greenway, which places Worm as one of the founders of this mythic imagination.

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