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A survey of the cities of London and Westminster

“Because I know that time is always time

And place is always place and only place

And what is actual is actual only for one time

And only for one place”

Ash Wednesday T.S. Eliot. 1930

 

Before giving a description of such a momentous book, I feel a bit of framing is due. Much has been written about this wonderful huge book, yet I feel it is necessary to state that this book is indispensable for anyone doing research on any subject relating to Early Modern London. Stow’s initial foray into the subject set the bar high for detailed description of the physical and social environment of London. This edition, by far the best is the work of three generations of Antiquaries, the catalogues of books, records and manuscripts excerpted is impressive in its own right and would be an irreplaceable library on its own. But this work is manifest of cultural shifts and maintains differing scholars approaches to understanding of the recording and preserving of cultural heritage, the list of subscribers depicts the capital invested in this undertaking.

 

947G      John Stow   1525-1605

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A survey of the cities of London and Westminster: containing the original, antiquity, increase, modern estate and government of those cities. Written at first in the year MDXCVIII. By John Stow, citizen and native of London. Since reprinted and augmented by A.M. H.D. and other. Now lastly, corrected, improved, and very much enlarged: and the survey and history brought down from the year 1633, (being near fourscore years since it was last printed) to the present time; by John Strype, M.A. a native also of the said city. Illustrated with exact maps of the city and suburbs, and of all the wards; and likewise of the out-parishes of London and Westminster: together with many other fair draughts of the more eminent and publick edifices and monuments. In six books. To which is prefixed, the life of the author, writ by the editor. At the end is added, an appendiz of certain tracts, discourses and remarks, concerning the state of the city of London. Together with a perambulation, or circuit-walk four or five miles round about London, to the parish churches: describing the monuments of the dead there interred: with other antiquities observable in those places. And concluding with a second appendix, as a supply and review: and a large index of the whole work.

 

London: printed for A. Churchill, J. Knapton, R. Knaplock, J. Walthoe, E. Horne, B. Tooke, D. Midwinter, B. Cowse, R. Robinson, and T. Ward, 1720                  $18,000  

 

Two Folio volumes 15 1/4 X 9 inches.

vol I :Map of London, π2, (B)-(D)2,(a)-(d)4,(e)-(f)2 Q2, A-Z4, Aa-Pp4,Qq2,[end of first book]  B-Z4, Aa-Dd4,[end of second book] A-Z4, Aa-mm4,Nn3 [end of 3rd book]

vol II : π1,A-P4, A-Z4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa- Lll4, Mmm2 [end of book V] A-Z4, Aa-KK4, Ll-Rr2.  Each of the 6 ’books’ has its own pagination, and is introduced by a drop-head title.

There are 70 full Page (and 30 of those folding) Maps and Plates .

The Fold-out of “Elizabethan London ” is lacking as in many copies,  otherwise these two volumes are complete and almost in perfect condition, The Large foldout map of the city of London  DSC_0245has been reinforced on the back and there are a few pages with margin repairs not touching the text. All the pages are crisp and clean. It is truly a stunning copy.

This copy is beautifully and expertly bound in modern quarter calf, over marbled boards, quite a Stately set of volumes indeed! . The binding is in fine working order.

“In the century following Stow’s death, however, the Tudor capital so lovingly depicted and recorded in Stow’s Survey was dramatically transformed. The huge growth of the metropolis, the devastation wrought by the Great Fire of 1666 and the subsequent rebuilding of the City made an updating of the Survey highly desirable. It was to answer this need that John Strype (1643-1737), the ecclesiastical historian and biographer, published a new, hugely expanded version of Stow’s Survey of London in 1720.”

First Issue with “1698” for 1598 on the title page (?) John Stow’s Survey of London, first published in 1598, brims with amusing descriptions and anecdotes as well as highly detailed accounts of the buildings, social conditions and customs of the time, based on a wide range of classical and medieval historical literature, public and civic records, and Stow’s own intimate knowledge of the city where he spent his life. “The reader of A Survey travels with Stow through each of the city’s wards and the adjoining city of Westminster, learns about the wall, bridges, gates, and parish churches . . . DSC_0232 2[Stow] also records the negative aspects of urban growth, in the shape of unsightly sprawl, filth, the destruction of ancient monuments, and above all poverty. His book approaches the thoroughness of an encyclopaedia . . . It is noteworthy that while Camden’s Britannia was written in Latin for the educated élite, Stow’s Survey was composed in the language of his fellow countrymen.” This edition, of 1720, greatly expanded with interpolated amendments by John Strype, is considered the best and most desirable.

DSC_0235 “Throughout his life at Low Leyton, Strype crossed the River Lea into London each week to meet and converse with his antiquarian friends and to call on his contacts in the book trade. . . . The Survey had been repeatedly revised and enlarged in order to keep up with the changing aspect of the post-fire city, now much expanded and altered in its religion and other ways. . . . Although Strype had arranged most of the work by 1707, and the engravings had been prepared, it was set aside after the publication of Edward Hatton’s New View of London in 1708, which seemed to cover much the same ground and was considerably smaller and cheaper. . . . Finally, once the defects of Hatton’s book were acknowledged another agreement in November 1716 led to the Survey’s publication at the end of 1720. . . . The print run was probably more than 500 copies . . . To quote Merritt, ‘By this stage the Survey has a multiple personality, switching with little warning from nostalgic Elizabethan antiquary [Stow] . . . to diligent post-Restoration recorder of events [Strype] and back again’ (Merritt, 87).” (ODNB).

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Richard Grafton] had the audacity to enter into historical controversy (impar congressus) with the great John Stow. This ‘merry old man,’ footing it over England in search of Antiquities because he could never learn to ride, sometimes suspected by Government of being insufficiently Protestant, now begging with a basin in the street, now spending £200 a year on his library, holds a very high place in the history of learning. Even those who, like Camden, distrusted his judgment, allowed his industry. His Chaucer (1561) was his first but by no means his best work: he helped to swell the Chaucerian apocrypha. His Summary of English Chronicles (1565) looks at first like a retrogression from Hall; we are back at the annalistic form and the London tradition with its lists of bailiffs and mayors. But the important thing is that Stow is not a mere compiler but (as we call it) a ‘researcher.’ He uses the literary sources but he adds ‘paynfull searche’ into records, and ‘diligent experience.’ He collected not only books but charters and legal documents. He bought up the collections of others, and his own assisted both Speght and Parker. In 1580 came the Chronicle of English from Brute unto this present year, re-issued in 1592 as the Annals. The Survey of London (1598) was re-issued in 1603 and afterwards enlarged by other hands.

DSC_0238Its modern editor finds this work ‘instinct with’ a ‘life’ which the Annals lack. It is a treasure–house of old customs, old splendors, old gaieties and hospitalities, already vanished or vanishing when the author wrote. Stow had no stylistic ambitions; his works were, as he said ‘written homely.’ His prose varies between mere note–making (see the account of printing under year 1458 in the Summary) and tolerably vivid narrative. In general it is just such an unobtrusive medium as keeps our attention on the facts, and therefore good for its purpose; recte olet ubi nihil olet.” (page 298-299, English Literature in the Sixteenth Century, C.S. Lewis)
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 Maslen & Lancaster. Bowyer ledgers, 584; Lowndes V, 2526. Gibson’s Library, p. 258. ESTC Citation No. T48975.

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Strype’s Survey of London

J.F.Merritt

University of Nottingham

The creation of the 1720 edition

If John Stow’s Survey of London is probably the most famous single work ever written about England’s capital, then the enlarged and updated edition of the same book published some 120 years later by the famous ecclesiastical historian John Strype surely stands as one of the most remarkable works of scholarship ever produced about the city, and is regarded even today as a standard and invaluable work of reference for historians of the capital. Just as London’s boundaries and population had vastly expanded in the years between Stow and Strype’s works, so Strype’s edition dwarfs Stow’s original work. In two stout folio volumes, Strype’s monumental composition provides not just an updated account of the City that brings it down to the early eighteenth century, but also vastly extends the work’s range both geographically (to take in the sprawling suburbs of the metropolis) and thematically (to discuss a panoply of new subjects, from the Great Fire and the provision of water and public health to workhouses and the Bank of England). This is combined with a famous collection of ward and parish maps, and a fine set of plates of prominent buildings. The whole is appropriately preceded by the first detailed life of John Stow, with a full-page reproduction of his funeral monument. 1

The Survey of London is a work which has attracted many different editors in its history, and Strype’s own remarkable edition cannot be used effectively without an understanding of its relationship to the original and subsequent texts of this remarkable work.

John Stow’s own Survey of London was first published in 1598. But he did not intend this to be his last word on the subject. In 1603 he published a new edition with many important corrections and additions, and he clearly intended to embark on further elaborations and refinements, prevented only by his death in 1605. Work on a new edition of the Survey began not long after Stow’s death. His first posthumous editor was the incorrigible Anthony Munday — playwright, pageant-writer, polemicist, and (apparently) a spy reporting against both puritans and Catholics. Munday claimed of Stow that, while still alive, ‘much of his good mind he had formerly imparted to me, and some of his best collections lovingly delivered me, prevailing with mee ? to proceed in the perfecting of a Worke so worthy’. 2 Munday’s new edition of the Survey, published in 1618, sought to update Stow’s text in a number of ways. Another edition, published in 1633 after Munday’s death, took things further, including a substantial new section entitled ‘A Returne to London’, which sets out to document a resurgence in London church repair, rebuilding and beautification, undertaking a parish-by-parish survey of the capital’s churches. A further bizarre appendix presents an accumulation of miscellaneous, almost random, material, under the title ‘The Remaines or Remnants of Divers Worthy Things which should have had their Due Place and Honour in this Worke, if Promising Friends had Kept their Words’. 3

The unwieldy sprawl of Munday’s 1633 edition showed that Stow’s work clearly required a more effective editor. Nevertheless, no further editions of Stow were attempted. Instead, the text of the Survey (usually the 1633 edition) was raided by later authors for material that they could insert into their own works on London. This was the case in James Howell’s Londinopolis (1657) and Thomas de Laune’s The Present State of London (1681; 2nd ed 1690). In 1694 a concerted attempt was made by Richard Blome (who had produced a new edition of William Camden’s Britannia in 1673) to complete a new edition of Stow’s Survey ‘with large additions and improvements’. While new maps and much new text were generated, however, the edition itself was never published. 4

In 1702, two of the publishers involved in the abortive 1694 edition of the Survey drew up an agreement to edit the Survey with one of those writers who had initially been approached to provide materials for the 1694 edition. This was John Strype. Strype is best known to us as an ecclesiastical historian, but also enjoyed fame as an accomplished editor of texts and historical documents, including an immensely popular account of Ceylon (and indeed, his ecclesiastical annals and biographies were often essentially compendia of extracts of transcribed documents). His edition of the Survey was apparently completed by November 1707, but Strype and his publishers then found that booksellers would not accept the work because of the simultaneous publication of a much slimmer and cheaper rival — Edward Hatton’s New View of London — which used significant amount of materials from Stow (although self-consciously abandoning Stow’s structure and methodology). Like Blome’s edition, Strype’s 1708 Survey was therefore aborted. Nevertheless, the deficiencies of Hatton’s work meant that the demand for a scholarly updating of Stow’s Survey were undiminished, and by the second half of 1716 the edition was back on track, and Strype’s edition of the Survey was finally published in December 1720. The work, in two folio volumes, was priced at a princely six guineas, and somewhere between 500 and 700 copies were published, with 271 subscribers listed in the work itself. 5

The drawn-out process by which Strype’s edition emerged can help to explain some of the peculiarities of the text as it was finally published. Strype clearly had access to the text and other materials of Blome’s abortive 1694 edition. He scrupulously indicates all Blome’s additions to the original Survey with the marginal note ‘R.B.’ —but this means that some of these sections stop abruptly in 1694. The maps in Strype’s edition are also essentially taken from Blome’s 1694 edition, although with some minor alterations made in 1707 (although, unlike the text, Blome’s name is unceremoniously removed from the maps). Strype also does not seem to have altered the main body of the text that he completed for the 1708 edition, so that changes occurring between 1708 and 1720 are often missed. The written account of the city therefore essentially describes London as it was in 1708. 6 Even the list of stage coaches and carriers is dated 1707. Strype did, however, add a number of new and supplementary sections to the work.

The earlier history of the Survey under the editorship of Stow and Munday can also explain some other gaps and anomalies in the coverage of Strype’s edition. For example, the entries for different London parishes provide plentiful information on Jacobean church-building, because Strype has taken the separate, consolidated account of early Stuart church-building–which Munday appended to the 1633 edition–and redistributed this material within the overall entries on each individual parish. But Strype’s edition contains virtually no reference to any church-building or decoration in London parishes during the Laudian campaign of the 1630s and surprisingly little on the later seventeenth century. There had, of course, been no shortage of such building, but there had been no Munday around to record it, and Strype made no use of parochial documents to investigate these matters further. 7

Other anomalies of the edition’s coverage can be explained by the practicalities of the gathering of material. The chance enthusiasm of certain clergy and parish officials, for example, seems to explain why some parishes, such as St James Clerkenwell and St Botolph Aldgate, are far more fully documented than others, especially for the later seventeenth century. 8 It is also not surprising to find that Strype’s own parish of Low Leyton receives more attention than its suburban location might otherwise have afforded it, as does the parish of Hackney, where he held a lectureship. While Strype does not seem to have consulted parish records such as churchwardens’ accounts (so that his accounts of parochial donors are dependent on the tables and monuments visible in churches when he and his assistant ‘I.W.’ visited them), nevertheless the support of Bishop Compton of London meant that Strype had access to diocesan materials of a type which neither Stow nor Munday had available. Strype relied heavily on the recent 1693 episcopal visitation returns to update the perambulation portion of the Survey, while information from an earlier visitation of 1636 helped to fill in gaps about the pre-Fire character of certain parishes.

Some omissions in the edition also reflect simple time constraints. As late as October 1719, it was noted that information on nine livery companies was still missing, and in the final version three livery companies are bereft of a brief history, with only their coat of arms provided (II.v.247). Yet by July 1720 Strype was still supplying new material for the appendices, much to the consternation of the booksellers who begged him to ‘put a stop to the great Enlargements which we perceive are like to be made in the second Appendix for We have Exceeded by 80 sheets of Our first Computation already’. 9

While we may note its many omissions, however, it is just as important to emphasize the enormous amounts of new material which Strype introduced to the Survey. It should also be recognized that Strype did not merely add new material by describing recent events and institutions, but also drew on medieval and Tudor sources to expand significantly the coverage of the period before Stow wrote his first edition. For example, Strype’s account of the parish of St Martin in the Fields, Westminster is enriched by his use of Burghley’s papers for an account of an enclosure riot in 1592 (II.vi.79-80). 10

 

Strype and the 1720 Survey

If it is important for the reader of Strype’s edition to understand how the work stands within the series of continuations of Stow’s original work, it is equally important to appreciate how John Strype’s own preoccupations played a vital role in shaping the 1720 edition.

Strype’s experience as an editor clearly led him to take a keen interest in identifying Stow’s original text. He explains in his preface that he wished to return to the uncorrupted Stow because ‘since the Author’s Death there having crept in a great number of Errors, as it happens in After-Editions’. Contemporaries had increasingly tended to conflate the versions of the Survey produced by Stow and Munday. Strype therefore made it a priority to disentangle the publishing history of the Survey by introducing a system of marginal annotations, so that Stow’s original text could be identified. This partly reflected Strype’s conviction that Munday was greatly inferior to Stow as a scholar, but also his esteem for Stow himself. Not the least notable addition to the Survey that Strype introduced was the ‘Life of Stow’ which prefaces the whole work, along with a full-page reproduction of Stow’s funeral monument. Strype’s ‘Life of Stow’ marks a significant moment in the rehabilitation of Stow’s reputation. Strype presents him as a paragon of honest and intuitive scholarship, compassionate to the poor, and specifically refutes charges that he was overly credulous or unscholarly in his working methods. He makes no attempt to hide Stow’s Catholic sympathies, but explains them in terms of a response to the sacrilege of the early Reformation, and offers a rounded, realistic and above all sympathetic account of his trials and tribulations.

Strype clearly admired Stow as a fellow scholar and editor. But for all his editorial scruples, his concern to follow Stow’s method, and the practical pressures that significantly shaped the content of the book, Strype’s edition of the Survey is not entirely lacking in evidence of Strype’s own religious and intellectual preoccupations. 11

The son of a Dutch immigrant silk merchant, John Strype grew up in a family with strong non-conformist links. This was particularly true of the family of his mother, Hester van Strype, who is known to have sheltered non-conformist ministers in her London house during the 1665 plague. After the death of his father, the young Strype also came under the influence of his brother-in-law John Johnson, a dedicated Presbyterian minister. It was Johnson who in 1663 arranged for Strype to transfer from Jesus College, Cambridge to the more amenable Catherine Hall, where John Lightfoot (who had earlier supported Presbyterianism at the Westminster Assembly) was master. Despite this background, however, Strype ultimately decided to position himself firmly within the ranks of the established church — a decision which alienated him from most of his close-knit family for many years. 12 The influence of some of this background may be glimpsed in his treatment of the stranger communities in the pages of the Survey. While condemning the naturalization of alien merchants, Strype still does his best to defend the rights of the stranger communities to be exempted from the requirements of religious conformity. In part, he does this by emphasizing, not their shared membership of an international Protestant community (as puritans had traditionally done) but rather the degree to which their behaviour echoes that of the established church. Thus he notes how French Protestants at St Anne Soho use the English liturgy in French translation, with episcopally-ordained ministers officiating and sometimes wearing Anglican garb (II.v.294-305; II.vi.85).

Strype was closely involved in the religious politics of his day. He served as minister at Low Leyton, just outside London, from 1668 until his death, and it was from here that he supported Henry Compton, bishop of London, even when the latter was suspended by James II in 1686. Strype was also involved in clandestine publications criticizing James’ religious policies. Thereafter, Strype’s strong support for the Glorious Revolution led to his formal institution as rural dean of Barking by the grateful Bishop Compton, and he was additionally rewarded with a lectureship at the nearby parish of Hackney. In the years that followed, Strype’s position as dean of Barking extended beyond a merely pastoral one, as he also participated in electioneering for the Essex Church-Tory party. 13

Strype’s religious sentiments — fiercely anti-Jacobite and anti-Catholic, disapproving of Dissenters, and passionately committed to the established church — can also be seen to have found outlets in sections of the Survey. Thus, while Strype follows Stow in including Fitzstephen’s encomium of Thomas Becket at the end of the medieval account of London, he adds a stinging editorial addition that this was written by ‘a Monk, the Pope’s sworn Creature ? in the very Depth of Popery’ (II.Appendix, p.15). It is also notable that, while later eighteenth-century editors of the Survey felt obliged to denounce the anti-Catholic inscriptions on the Great Fire Monument, Strype was comfortable merely to report these additions to the Monument without comment. 14

The Survey also bears witness to Strype’s profound concern with the moral life of the City, encapsulated in his enthusiasm for such contemporary organizations as the Society for the Reformation of Manners. He introduces a new section to the Survey that is specifically concerned with ‘the late Endeavours used in the City for the restraining of Vice’, which describes ‘in what State Religion and Good Manners stand here at present’, partly by an approving overview of the various Societies (II.v.30-52). Like Munday and Stow, Strype gives an account of charities and almshouses, but this is no mere catalogue of good works — this is clearly a topic that excites Strype’s particular interest. He gives a meticulous account of the workhouse in Bishopgate Street, with case studies of its successes (I.i.197-202). This concern with the instruments of social control and moral reform is very much of its time, and conspicuously different from the world of Stow and Munday, where the very fact of the founder’s charity claimed most attention.

Needless to say, this preoccupation with the need to maintain social order means that Strype makes little space in his edition of the Survey for the discussion of sports and pastimes. As a diligent editor he reproduces Stow’s account of ‘the customary Sports used in the City’, but rather than supplementing this with an updated account of such pursuits, Strype rather oddly chooses to append a bloodcurdling account of ‘some of their customary Punishments in former Times, of Shame or Pain, or both, for divers Sorts of Crimes and Misdemeanours: Such were Pillorizing, Carting, Riding, Whipping.’ (I.i.257-8). The association of the two topics in Strype’s mind seems clear. It is hardly surprising that virtually the only allusion that Strype makes to theatrical drama in the capital focuses on the City’s attempts under Elizabeth to regulate potentially dissolute players and the ‘lewd Matters of plays’ (II.v.244-6).

Strype’s edition also breathes the spirit of its age in its provision of statistical information. Strype’s modish fascination with political arithmetic shines through in page upon page of statistics and tables charting matters such as the volume of livery company charity, amounts spent yearly on the diet of the poor, numbers received into and discharged from the capital’s workhouses, and a lengthy account of fire insurance rates, complete with charts to calculate premiums. Similarly, the state of contemporary London’s wealth and income, and its role at the centre of overseas trade, are celebrated, along with lengthy discussions of trading companies and the Bank of England (e.g. II.v.256-73, 404-8, 445-7).

Strype’s edition of the Survey of London is, then, a remarkable compendium of information about the capital. For all of its omissions, the anomalous chronological range of some sections, and the idiosyncrasy of others, its editor still manages to muster a huge amount of material gathered from an extraordinary range of sources. The two hefty volumes may lack the immediate personal touch and focus of Stow’s own Survey, but this is not because Strype himself was simply a dispassionate observer of events. As we have seen, he had his own agenda and beliefs as well. The unwieldiness of the Survey partly reflects the task that Strype set himself — to preserve Stow’s original text and the essential structure of Stow’s work, but also to integrate the additions of Munday, Blome and Strype himself within the same framework. What it gains in comprehensiveness, it loses in coherence. Not the least bewildering aspects of the book is the cacophony of editorial voices. The authorial ‘I’ can be found reporting events witnessed in the 1540s, conversations in the 1620s, or visiting Westminster Hall in the 1650s in order to see the standards seized at the Battle of Worcester (I.ii.66; I.iii.16; II.vi.49). The Survey of Strype’s edition has a multiple personality, switching with little warning from nostalgic Elizabethan antiquary to triumphalist Jacobean pageant-writer to diligent post-Restoration recorder of events and back again. Instead of a perambulation where Stow takes the reader by the hand through London’s streets, it is now a huge boisterous party — with Munday, Blome, Strype and others all coming along, interrupting one another, hailing the new and the old using the same authorial ‘I’ — an ‘I’ that is sometimes nostalgic and regretful, sometimes enthusiastic and forward-looking.

It emphatically does not conform to our modern sense of a scholarly edition of a celebrated work. Nevertheless, Strype’s sprawling edition creates an altogether richer melange of materials. Rather than being frozen in the past, the Survey of London lives in Strype’s present, speaking of new developments as well as recording old ones. Moreover, as a repository of the knowledge, ideas and manuscript discoveries of this most indefatigable of antiquaries, Strype’s Survey of London still represents a treasure trove for the historian of London.

END

Footnotes

  1. Much of the following text is adapted from J.F. Merritt, ‘The reshaping of Stow’s Survey’, in J.F. Merritt (ed.), Imagining Early Modern London. Perceptions and Portrayals of the City from Stow to Strype, 1598-1720 (Cambridge, 2001), pp. 52-88.
  2. Munday, Survey (1618), ‘The Epistle Dedicatory’, sig. 2.
  3. For a fuller discussion see Merritt, ‘Reshaping’, pp. 54-67.
  4. Ibid., pp. 67-73.
  5. John J. Morrison, ‘Strype’s Stow: the 1720 Edition of ‘A Survey of London’’, London Journal 3 (1977), pp. 42-7, 54 n.68.
  6. Ibid., pp. 41, 47.
  7. Merritt, ‘Reshaping’, p. 86.
  8. Ibid., p. 84 n.114.
  9. Ibid., pp. 85-6; Morrison, ‘Strype’s Stow’, p. 47.
  10. See also J.F. Merritt, The Social World of Early Modern Westminster (Manchester, 2005), pp. 202-5.
  11. For a fuller discussion see Merritt, ‘Reshaping’, pp. 76-84.
  12. John J. Morrison, ‘John Strype: historian of the English Reformation’, PhD thesis, University of Syracuse (1976), pp. 21-8, 37.
  13. Ibid., pp. 33, 67, 70-3, 284, 287-97.
  14. I.ii.181; Survey (1754), I.ii.501-2.

And to bring us no now, one of my favorite things to do in London is to follow the Old wall, much of which s marked on the sidewalk roads and Walls themselves, Of course Stow did this and there is an Appendix to this edition giving you as guided tour

 

 

 

 

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“Truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing”

930G Thomas Aquinas 1225-1274. editor Theodoricus de Susteren.

Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris s[an]cti Thome Aquinatis. que olim … me[n]dis scatebat. Nouissime iam per … magistru[m] nostru[m] Theodericum de Susteren co[n]uentus Coloniens[is] fratru[m] predicatoru[m] regentem … laboriose reuisa … feliciter incipit.

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930G Thomas Aquinas 1225-1274

Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris s[an]cti Thome Aquinatis. que olim … me[n]dis scatebat. Nouissime iam per … magistru[m] nostru[m] Theodericum de Susteren co[n]uentus Coloniens[is] fratru[m] predicatoru[m] regentem … laboriose reuisa … feliciter incipit.

Cologne : Heinrich Quentell, 7 Mar. 1499                                        $11,500

Folio 10 1/2 X 8 inches 2°: A-Z6,Aa-Gg6; {signature Dd signed De)   Third Edition/The final 15th century edition.

Blind-tooled front and back covers (including some blind-tooled letters), full calf on DSC_0122thick boards. Clasps missing, catchplates present. Foxing throughout, with some red and green ink dots along edges. Front pastedown shows slight signs of water damage. Occasional small red stains on text block (e.g. E3v and Q5), likely from the books’ rubricator, but otherwise a clean text block. “Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris sancti Thome Aquinatis…”First written around 1256, Thomas Aquinas’ “Disputed Questions on Truth” defends “the view that truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing… Most importantly, he develops a notion of truth of being (what might be called “ontological truth”) along with truth of the intellect (what might be called “logical truth”)” (Wippel, 295)

DSC_0126Sections include: Truth; God’s Knowledge; Ideas; The Divine Word; Providence; Predestination; The Book of Life; The Knowledge of Angels; The Communication of Angelic Knowledge; The Mind; The Teacher; Prophecy; Rapture; Faith; Higher and Lower Reason; Synderesis; Conscience; The Knowledge of the First Man in the State of Innocence; Knowledge of the Soul After Death; The Knowledge of Christ; Good; The Tendency to Good and the Will; God’s Will; Free Choice; Sensuality; The Passions of the Soul; Grace; The Justification of Sinners; and The Grace of Christ.

For each topic, Aquinas reviews the topic’s Difficulties, and then responses with ‘To the Contrary’ and ‘Reply’. Aquinas concludes each topic with an “Answers to Difficulties” section, demonstrating his typical insightful worldview and readable literary style.“Everything is a being essentially. But a creature is good not essentially but by participation. Good, therefore, really adds something to being (“Good” [U1v]

translation from   http://dhspriory.org/thomas/QDdeVer21.htm).

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Goff T181;(Columbia University, Union Theological Seminary;HEHL; LC ;Massachusetts Historical Society;YUL)  ;  BMC I, 289/90; Only one Copy in The British Isles (BL)

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Impressa Agrippine. opera atq[ue] impe[n]sis p[ro]uidi viri Henrici Quentell. ciuis eiusdem. Anno salutis humane nonagesimonono supra millesimumquadringentesimu[m] Ipso die celebritatis autoris cursu felici ad finem vsq[ue] perducta.

 

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First ? Edition? Iurisconsulti clariss Antonio Mattei ….

923G  Antonio Mattei    (fl 16th Century)
Antonii de Matthaeis rom. iurisconsulti clariss. Prorogationis fori & competentiae, praeuentionis, & iuris reuocandi domum, reconuentionis, et reorum transmissionis. Tractatus.
Romae: Impensis Antonii Bladi Asulani, 1547.                                $3750
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Quarto  8 1/4 x 5 1/2 inches. π2 A-R4.(lacking R4 most likely Blank ,as the only other copy I found does not have a page) Most likey the first and only edition
This copy is bound in a 13th century manuscript leaf, there is damage on the margins of the first five signatures, not effecting the text. The binding is nice It has been skillfully repaired with paper repairs and  recasting in the original binding. It it stable and quite usable  Ther are deckel edges suggesting this is the original sewing and binding.
Alexandro Farnesio S. R. E. Cardinali ac Vicecancellario digniss. studiosorum perpetuo Mecoenati. Antonius de Matthaei foelicitatem. I could not find out anything about Antonio Mattei.
Title: Antonii de Matthaeis rom. iurisconsulti clariss. Prorogationis fori & competentiae, praeuentionis, & iuris reuocandi domum, reconuentionis, et reorum transmissionis. Tractatus Author: Mattei, AntonioAccession Number: 898175591

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Title: Antonii de Matthaeis rom. iurisconsulti clariss. Prorogationis fori & competentiae, praeuentionis, & iuris reuocandi domum, reconuentionis, et reorum transmissionis. Tractatus.
Author(s): Mattei, Antonio, 16° sec.  (Author) (Dedicator)
Farnese, Alessandro,; cardinale,; 1520-1589. ; (Dedicatee)
Blado, Antonio,; 1490-1567. ; (Publisher)
Publication: Romae : Impensis Antonii Bladi Asulani,
Place: Italia; Roma.
Year: 1547
Description: [2], 65, [3] c. ; 4° (20 cm)
Language: Latin
Note(s): Front. in cornice architettonica xilogr./ La formulazione di edizione è desunta dal colophon./ Iniziali ornate./ Segn.: [pi greco]2 A-R4./ L’ultima c. è bianca./ Dedica a c. [pi greco]2r: Alexandro Farnesio S.R.E. Cardinali ac Vicecancellario digniss. studiosorum perpetuo Mecoenati. Antonius de Matthaei foelicitatem.
General Info: Legatura in pergamena e cartone rigido. Version: Segni di identificazione della copia: nota manoscritta di possesso indecifrabile sul v dell’ultimo foglio di guardia posteriore.
Other Titles: Prorogationis fori & competentiae, praeventionis, & iuris revocandi domum, reconventionis, et reorum transmissionis Tractatus
Document Type: Book
Entry: 20121017
Update: 20170630
Accession No: OCLC: 898175591
Database: WorldCat

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Philosphical Gossip, Illustrated!

595GLaertiusDiogenes ca 200 AD
Le Vite de Filosofi Cavate da Laertio et Altri. Nelle Quali Vi Sono Sentenze, et Detti Notabili. Adornate de Bellissime, et Vaghe Figure di Gioseppe Salviati, accommodate a’ luoghi loro. Opera Non Men Curiosa che giovevole ad ogni persona di virtu. Nuovamente Ristampate, & con somma diligenza ricorrette, & ampliate. Con Privilegio.
Presso Giovachino Brugnolo, Vinegia (Venice) 1602   Quarto7 3/4  X 6 inches[4] A-H8,I6
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Bound in full contemporary vellum.
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DSC_0018This edition is Important for its woodcuts in high renaissance style, foreshadowing the baroque, assigned on the title to Giuseppe della Porta (1520-70), called G. Salviati, one of the most prominent Venetian painters and illustrators of his era. However, the cuts appear to have been published after his lifetime, the earliest edition traced being that at Venice in 1598 (NUC 144, 277)  “Diogenes Laertius, the great and still wonderfully readable gossip columnist of the ancient philosophers, chiefly from Thales (circa 600 B.C.) to Epicurus (circa 4 B.C.). It has been severely criticized for its anecdotal style which entertains as it instructs, and for being terribly superficial, unoriginal, and uncritical. At the same time, it is hailed as the only thing we have and —a typical case of faute de mieux— grudging admiration is expressed for the compiler of this vast amount of information which no one else had bothered to write down. Listen to H. Richard, cited by Hicks: ‘The man (i.e. Diogenes Laertius) was foolish enough, but the book itself is of extreme value for the history, especially the literary history, of Greek philosophy.” ‘ (Quoted from Bernard Rosenthal’s description for his editio princeps of Diogenes, in catalogue 32.) Well, This is a very rare edition of an Illustrated  translation.
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Incunabula

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OK so by clicking on the following links, you SHOULD get the index to my most recent Fascicule :

# VIII F VIII index and then  the complete catalogue Fascicule no 8INIf that doesn’t work please find below the text:

 

945G       Eusebius 1473 :Goff E119; BMC I 194.     (Boston Public Library, Indiana Univ)

723G       Bonaventura 1476 :Goff   B959 BMC II 434.

957G       Mediavilla 1476-7 Goff M 424 BMC V 206. (St Louis Univ., Pius XII Memorial      Library ()  &     YUL (–) i.e. both defective)

946G       Bonaventura 1477 :Goff B858; BMC XII 16; Walsh 1701

951G         Vincentius 1481 :Goff V277 BMC III 746.

836G       Blanchellus 1483 Goff B693;BMC HR 3228. (HEHL only!)

776G         Hilarius   1489 :Goff H269; BMC VI 777.     ( Yale U , Villanova )  

907G       Johannes de Verde 1498 & 1494 Goff J468 & J470. (Harvard & St Bonaventure Univ)

942G       Carcano 1496 :Goff C197; H 4507*; BMC V 386. (HEHL,Harv,CL,LC,St Bonaventure, Univ of Kentucky, Univ. of Minn)                            

922 G      Bernardinus deBusti, 1498 &1498 : Goff B1336;BMC V 387.

930G     Thomas Aquinas 1499 : Goff T181. (Columbia, Union Theological;HEHL Mass. Historical;YUL)

723G       Raymond, of Sabunde 1502. Adams S-36; VD 16, R 174.

756G       Diodorus 1505-1508; Goff D214. GW VII Sp.431a (HarvCL, N.L.M. ,Williams,YUL)

 

Fascicule no 8IN

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1)   945G           Eusebius of Caesarea                  c. 260-c. 340

Eusebius Pa[m]phili de eua[n]gelica preparac[i]o[n]e ex greco in latinu[m] translatus Incipit feliciter.         

[ Cologne, Ulrich Zel, not after 1473]                          $14,000

Folio     10 ¾ x 7 ¾ inches.       [a]12, [b-o]10, [p]8           One of the earliest editions, (editio princeps : Venice 1470) This copy is bound in a modern binding of half vellum with corners, flat spine (spine renewed, boards slightly rubbed, inside joints split).

This copy contains the fifteen books of the “Praeparatio evangelica,” whose purpose is “to justify the Christian in rejecting the religion and philosphy of the Greeks in favor of that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not observing the Jewish manner of life […] The following summary of its contents is taken from Mr. Gifford’s introduction to his translation of the “Praeparitio:

“The first three books discuss the threefold system of Pagan Theology: Mythical, Allegorical, and Political. The next three, IV-VI, give an account of the chief oracles, of the worship of demons, and of the various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doctrines of Fate and Free Will. Books VII-IX give reasons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the excellency of their Scriptures and the truth of their history. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the Greeks had borrowed from the older theology and philosphy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the supposed dependence of Plato upon Moses. In the the last three books, the comparson of Moses with Plato is continued, and the mutual contradictions of other Greek Philosphers, especially the Peripatetics and Stoics, are exposed and criticized.”

The “Praeparitio” is a gigantic feat of erudition, and, according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120), was, like many of Eusebius’ other works, actually composed during the stress of the persecution. It ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to the Church History in importance, because of its copious extracts from ancient authors, whose works have perished.” (CE)

It is also very interesting because of its numerous lively fragments from historians and philosophers which are nowhere else preserved, e.g. a summary of the writings of the Phoenician priest Sanchuniathon, or the account from Diodorus Siculus’ sixth book of Euhemerus’ wondrous voyage to the island of Panchaea, and writings of the neo-Platonist philosopher Atticus. Eusebius (c. 263-339), Greek historian and exegete, Christian polemicist and scholar Biblical canon, became bishop of Cesarea in 314 and is considered as the father of Church History as his writings are very important for the first three centuries of the Christianity.

Goff E119; BMC I 194

(United States of America: Boston Public Library
Indiana Univ., The Lilly Library (- 2 ff.)
YUL)
;

 

2)       723G  Bonaventura, Saint. (i.e. Conrad of Saxony)

Speculum Beatae Mariae Virginis.


[Augsburg]: Anton Sorg, 29 Feb. 1476                              $9,800

Folio, 11 1/4 X 8 inches . First edition

50 leaves a-e10   This copy is bound in full modern vellum.

First edition This copy is bound in full modern vellum, it is a very Large copy.

No longer attributed to Bonaventura, attributed to Conrad of Saxony whose the Date and place of birth are uncertain. Holyinger is perhaps his family name. The error has been made by some of confounding Conrad of Saxony with another person of the same name who suffered for the Faith in 1284, whereas it is certain that they were two distinct individuals, though belonging to the same province of the order in Germany. Our Conrad became provincial minister of the province of Saxony in 1245, and for sixteen years ruled the province with much zeal and prudence. While on his way to the general chapter of 1279, he was attacked with a grievous illness and died at Bologna in 1279. The writings of Conrad of Saxony include several sermons and now the “Speculum Beatæ Mariæ Virginis”; the latter, at times erroneously attributed to St. Bonaventure, was edited by the Friars Minor at Quaracchi in 1904. The preface to this excellent edition of the “Speculum” contains a brief sketch of the life of Conrad of Saxony and a critical estimate of his other writings. _ This is one of Anton Sorg’s early works and the second edition of this work at his press; the first one being from 29 II 1476 (Hain 3566; GKW 04817).

 

There is not much known about Sorg. He was an apprentice in the printing shop of the monastery of Saint Ulrich and Afra in 1472 and later its director. In 1475 he left the monastery and started his own press in Augsburg. That city was then particularly famed for the craftsmen who produced woodcuts for block-books. In that city book illustration as an art first flourished and Sorg played an important part in that development. Sorg was active in Augsburg between 1475 and 1493. And very active, he was one of the most prolific of the early printers: the GW mentions altogether 242 works. He had close professional ties to other printers, especially the Bämmler and Schönsperger offices, who often used the same illustrations. His most famous edition was the 1477-German Bible.

A peculiarity of Sorg’s press was the use of outlined woodcut initials (after the examples of the medieval manuscript). Often a large outlined initial was inserted at the start of a chapter and within each chapter smaller woodcut initials headed each division. Both large and small initials. Sorg’s use of printed outlines of the letters to be illuminated was not a common practice.

 

In this work there is on the first leaf a splendid 10-line decorative Maiblumen initial Q and furthermore there are 16 3- or 4-line initials (8x A; 4x D; 4x B). Curiously, on leaf 38v there is only an initial space. On Sorg see: Albert Schramm – Der Bilderschmuck der Frühdrucke. Vol. 4: Die Drucke von Anton Sorg in Augsburg (Hiersemann, 1921).

Goff B959 BMC II 434

3) 957G            Richard Mediavilla [Middleton],   d. 1302/3

         Commentum super quartem  Sententarium.

Venice: Christophorus Arnoldus, [circa 1476-7]        $22,000

 

Folio 12 ¼ 9 ¼ inches. a-z10 [et]10 [cum]10 [per]10 A 10 B-D8 (D8v blank and aa1r blank)  aa8 bb10 cc8 {320 leaves complete}

 

Second edition.   This copy is rubricated throughout with nicely complicated red initials. It is bound in an age appropriate binding of full calf over wooden boards wit clasps and catches with quite impressive end bands.DSC_0285

“Middleton, Richard of [Richard de Mediavilla] Franciscan friar, theologian, and philosopher, was born about the middle of the thirteenth century in either England or France. He studied at Paris, where he formed part of the so-called neo-Augustinian movement, defending the philosophy and theology of Augustine against the inroads of Aristotelianism, during the years 1276–87. He probably studied under William of Ware and Matteo d’Acquasparta, usually viewed as principal figures in this movement.
Middleton’s Commentary on Peter Lombard’s ‘Sentences’ was probably begun in 1281 and was completed in 1284, when he became regent master of the Franciscan school in Paris, a post he held until 1287. The chief characteristic of his Commentary is its sober assessment of many of the positions of Thomas Aquinas. However, the tone of his eighty Quodlibet Questions, produced during his regency, is much more critical and on many issues shows a strong anti-Thomist reaction. In this they have more in common with his disputed questions, which were argued after the condemnations of 1277 but before his Sentences commentary. The latter commentary has been edited along with his Quodlibet Questions. A small number of his disputed questions have also been edited, as have six of his sermons.

DSC_0282Middleton’s link to the neo-Augustinian movement is seen especially in his treatment of the will, even though he does not entirely follow his teachers, Ware and Acquasparta. For Middleton the will is much more noble than the intellect, since it is much more noble to love God than to understand him. Understanding without the corresponding love separates man from God. However, the key to the will’s nobility is its freedom. The intellect is forced by evidence when evidence is given; the will also is forced by its nature to seek the good, but it is free in choosing the means to its predetermined goal. Even if the intellect were prudent enough to show man the best means to his goal, he would not be forced to adopt them. ‘For although the intellect, like a servant with a lamp, points out the way, the will, like the master, makes the decisions and can go in any direction it pleases’ (Stegmüller, 722).

The superiority of the human will over the intellect further manifests itself in Middleton’s conception of the nature of theology. Certainly, the study of the scriptures attempts to clarify human knowledge of both creator and creatures; principally, however, it aims to stimulate man’s affections. Middleton believes that scripture prescribes laws, forbids, threatens, attracts man through promises, and shows him models of behaviour that he should follow or avoid. The study of scripture perfects the soul, moving it toward the good through fear and love. It is more of a practical science than a speculative endeavour. A theology that is speculative is one that models itself on the theology of the metaphysician or philosopher and tends to reduce Christian faith to reason.

The influence of Aquinas is more in evidence in Middleton’s theory of knowledge. Middleton rejects the illumination theory of Bonaventure and his more loyal followers. Man’s intellectual knowledge can be explained, he argues, by the abstraction performed by the agent intellect from the singulars experienced by the human senses. In short, human individuals know, and they know by means of their own intellectual efforts, not by some special divine illumination. Unlike those who endorse the illumination theory, Middleton contends that there is no direct knowledge of spiritual beings, including God. God is not the first thing known. He can be known only by starting with creatures and by reasoning about their origins or final end. Middleton died in Rheims on 30 March 1302 or 1303.” [Oxford DNB]

Goff M-424; BMC V 206.

(The ISTC shows two US copies…St Louis Univ., Pius XII Memorial Library () & YUL – i.e. both defective)

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4)   946G        Bonaventura (fromerly attributed to)             but Nicolaus de Hanapis (1225-1291)

 

Exempla Sacrae Scriptae ex utroque Testamento collecta. (Biblia pauperum;) Virtutum vitiorumque exempla

 

Imp[re]ssioniq[ue] Venetijs deditu[m] : Impe[n]sis Iohannis de Colonia socijq[ue] ei[us] Ioha[n]nis Manthen de Gherretzem, before 1477 (The Paris BN copy was bought at Avignon on 14 August 1477)                       $7,500

 

Folio a-e8, f6, g;a-b8, c6, d8

 

Title from incipit of Breviloquium (leaf [1st]a2r)./ Includes “Biblia Pauperum” attributed to St. Bonaventure, which is a shortened version of a text by Nicolas de Hannapes, Virtutum vitiorumque exempla, more generally called “Exempla sacrae Scripturae”. Cf. Gutenberg Jahrbuch 1936, p. 61-62./ Each work has separate signatures./ Imprint from colophon (leaf The Biblia pauperum (leaves 2a1-2d8) is now usually attributed to Nicolas de Hannapes. Cf. BM 15th cent., GW./ Imprint from colophon./ Signatures: a-c8 f6 g8 2a-2b8 2c6 2d8./ } Bound in Back carton, brown calf case of the with elegant decoration imprinted in gold, with title and date of the work on the front plate. Ancient note of possession to a final glance.

This is the second part only this tract   consists of one of several versions of a text going back to the Virtutum vitiorumque exempla of Nicolaus Hanapus, and generally entitled Exempla sacrae scripturae. The title ‘Biblia pauperum’ and the ascription to St. Bonaventure are both incorrect”. (V. Scholderer in Gb Jb 1936 pp.61-62, reprinted in Fifty Essays (Amsterdam, 1966) pp.140-41: Version E)
Rather than a ‘Pauper’s Bible’ this book is in actuality a “religious exempla” (cautionary stories used to aid preaching). The book presents thousands of examples drawn exclusively from the Bible that enable preachers to illustrate their teaching on virtues and vices and to help the faithful to behave Christianly in public and private life, The moment of death. It was printed for the first time in Venice in 1477 and attributed to St. Bonaventure . It is frequently reissued under various titles. For example, Summa virtutum and viciorum (Cologne 1544, and Paris 1548), Virtutum vitiorumque exempla ex universo divinae scripture promptuario desumta , Flores biblici , Exempla biblica (Augsburg, 1726), or simply as the ‘Bible of the Poor’ , Probably because these narratives were easily understood, and because the publishers had arranged them in alphabetical order

Goff B858; BMC XII 16; Walsh 1701
(US copies :Folger , HEHL (var), HarvCL Indiana Univ., The Lilly Library (Biblia pauperum only)
LC, SMU, Newberry Library, Univ. of Illinois (-),Vassar College)

 

 

5)         951G       Bellovacensis Vincentius     1184-1264

Opuscula [Con: Liber gratiae] ; [Laudes Virginis Mariae] ; [De Sancto Iohanne evangelista] ; [De eruditione filiorum regalium] ; [Consolatio pro morte amici].

 

Basel : Johann Amerbach,,13 dec 1481              $11,000

Folio                π6;a10,b-c8,d-p10/8,q8; r-v10/8 x8;y10 A-b10/8 E-H8;I10,K-P8nbQ10. (338 leaves)
Witn numerous rubicated Inatials and capital strokes, thgis copy is bound in full blind tooled pigskin over wooden boards, lacking clasps but a nice catch!            The life of the Dominican friar Vincent of Beauvais, one of the greatest encyclopedists of the Middle Ages, is shrouded in mystery. His place of birth is unknown; his date of birth remains a matter of speculation, despite the fact that it has variously been listed as 1180 or 1190.
Beauvais’ De eruditione filiorum nobilium (“The education of noble children””
Consolatio pro morte amici is addressed to St. Louis on the death of one of his sons in 1260.                        Goff V277; Walsh 1156;BMC III 746;

 

Boston Public Library (- Liber gratiae),Columbia University,Cornell
Georgetown Univ
HEHL,Harv(M)L,HarvCL,LC,New York Public ,Ohio State ,PML
Univ. of DaytonUniv. of Illinois ,Univ. of Michigan,Univ. of Notre Dame, Univ. of Pennsylvania,WArtGL,YUL

 

6)   836G          Blanchellus, Menghus (Bianchelli, Mengo) 1440-1520

 

Super logicam Pauli Veneti expositio et quaestiones (Menghi Fauentini viri clarissimi in Pauli Veneti logicam commentum cu[m] questionibus quibusdam.)                

 

Impressu[m] Venetiis :[Per] Antoniu[m] [et] strata de Cremona.   1483               $ 18,000

 

Quarto a-t8 u6. This copy is bound in Quarter reverse calf over quarter sawn wooden boards

 

U.S: One copy only: The Huntington Library

 

Title from incipit on a2 recto./ Colophon reads: Me[n]ghi faue[n]tini viri clarissimii Pauli veneti logica[m] Co[m]e[n]tu[m] cu[m] q[uesti]onib[us] no[n]nullis feliciter finit. Impressu[m] Venetiis Su[m]ma cu[m] dilige[n]tia [per] Antoniu[m] & strata de Cremona. Anno ab i[n]carnat[i]o[n]e d[omin]ni. Mcccclxxxiii. vi calendas Septe[m]bris. Joha[n]ne mocenico iclito veneto[rum] duce./ Text printed in 2 columns; 46 lines. With initial spaces; without foliation and catchwords. Register at end
Rare philosophical treatise by the philosopher and physician M. Blanchellus (about 1440-1520), giving an explanation of the work of Paul of Venice, the important logician and realist of the Middle Ages.
Took part in a “disputation” with Pico della Mirandola in Florence

 

Goff B693; HR 3228; IBE 1072; IGI 1751; BSB-Ink B-545; GW 4406

 

 

7)   776G          Hilarius, Episcopus Pictaviensis (315-367/68)ed. Cribellus, Georgius,; fl. 1489. and     Saint Augustine

                  Libri Sancti Hilarii de Trinitate contra Arianos, contra Constantium hereticum, contra Auxentium et de synodis fidei catholicae contra Arianos. – Liber Aurelii Augustini de Trinitate. [Georgio Crivellio edente.]

 

Mediolani : per magistrum Leonardum Pachel 1489                                   $9,500

Folio 11½ X 8 inches A-I, AA, BB, a-k, in eights, except H, I, in sixes. The last leaf is blank.

First Edition This copy is bound in later quarter calf. There is light dampstain at top margin, few minor wormholes in the beginning, touching a few letters, some thumbing to lower outer corner of first few leaves, small old red ink note to last leaf. Without the final blank. Small bookplate of the former Redemptorist seminary St. Alphonsus in Esopus, NY. Early 19th cen.

This is the Editio princeps of Hilary of Poitiers’ major theological work, issued with St. Augustine’s work on the same subject. (first published befor 1474)
Saint Hilary devoted to writing some of the greatest theology on the Trinity, and was like his Master in being labeled a “disturber of the peace.” In a very troubled period in the Church, his holiness was lived out in both scholarship and controversy. He was bishop of Poitiers in France.   Raised a pagan, he was converted to Christianity when he met his God of nature in the Scriptures. His wife was still living when he was chosen, against his will, to be the bishop of Poitiers in France. He was soon taken up with battling what became the scourge of the fourth century, Arianism, which denied the divinity of Christ.

The heresy spread rapidly. St. Jerome said “The world groaned and marveled to find that it was Arian.” When Emperor Constantius ordered all the bishops of the West to sign a condemnation of Athanasius, the great defender of the faith in the East, Hilary refused and was banished from France to far off Phrygia (in modern-day Turkey). Eventually he was called the “Athanasius of the West.” While writing in exile, he was invited by some semi-Arians (hoping for reconciliation) to a council the emperor called to counteract the Council of Nicea. But Hilary predictably defended the Church, and when he sought public debate with the heretical bishop who had exiled him, the Arians, dreading the meeting and its outcome, pleaded with the emperor to send this troublemaker back home. Hilary was welcomed by his people.

His work on the Trinity is a scriptural confirmation of the philosophic doctrine of the divinity of Christ, and is of permanent value. It was not a mere restatement of traditional orthodoxy, but afresh and living utterance of his own experience and study. In the discussion of the co-essentiality of the Son, Hilary lays emphasis on the Scripture titles and affirmations, and especially on his birth from the Father, which he insists involves identity of essence. In the elaboration of the divine-human personality of Christ, he is more original and profound. The incarnation was a move went of the Logos towards humanity in order to lift humanity up to participation in the divine nature. It consisted in a self-emptying of himself, and the assumption of human nature. In this process lie lost none of his divine nature; and, even during the humiliation, he continued to reign everywhere in heaven and on earth. Christ assumed body, soul, and spirit, and passed through all stages of human growth, his body being really subject to pain and death. and living utterance of his own experience and study. In the discussion of the co-essentiality of the Son, Hilary lays emphasis on the Scripture titles and affirmations, and especially on his birth from the Father, which he insists involves identity of essence. In the elaboration of the divine-human personality of Christ, he is more original and profound. The incarnation was a move went of the Logos towards humanity in order to lift humanity up to participation in the divine nature. It consisted in a self-emptying of himself, and the assumption of human nature. In this process lie lost none of his divine nature; and, even during the humiliation, he continued to reign everywhere in heaven and on earth. Christ assumed body, soul, and spirit, and passed through all stages of human growth, his body being really subject to pain and

death. Redemption is the result of Christ’s voluntary substitution of himself, out of love, in our stead. Between the God-man and the believer there is a vital communion. As the Logos is in the Father, by reason of his divine birth, so we are in him, and become partakers of his nature, by regeneration and the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s Supper.

The christology of Hilary is full of fresh and inspiring thoughts, which deserve to be better known than they are.

 

Goff H269; BMC VI 777

( Yale U , Villanova Univ)

 

 

8 & 9)             907G          Johannes de Verde (d.1437)

                     Sermones Dormi secure vel dormi sine cura de t[em]p[or]e.
                                         [bound with]
Sermones Dormi secure de tempore et de sanctis.

Nuremberg : Anton Koberger, 12 Mar. 1498
Nuremberg : Anton Koberger,    5 Jan. 1494                                                 $12,000

Folio 11 X 8 inches A (-A1)-F8 G6 [bound with] a-e8 f6 g-k8 I10

The first works lacks title slug. The second work is complete. These two books are rubicated in red and blue throuout. It has a manuscript index on the verso of the final leaf. It is bound in blind stamped original calf over wooden boards ,nicely rebacked.  The two parts of the famous preaching collection of the Franciscan monk Johannes de Verdana , who, besides Johann von Minden and Heinrich von Werl, belonged to the three best known German preachers of the thirties of the fifteenth century.

The “Sermones Dormi secure” is a command to calm the preacher who can keep his sermons on Sundays and holidays (de tempore et de sanctis) without his having so stay up all night composing your own texts. Compiled by a Franciscan friar, this collection of 71 sermons was intended to provide sample texts for those preachers who could not create their own. The nickname of the collection, “dormi secure” (“sleep soundly”), may have implied jokingly that its users were too ignorant or lazy to compose new sermons on short deadlines.

Although it was a highly successful book, appearing in dozens of editions, Martin Luther dismissed it as :

   “donkey dung, introduced by the devil.”

(oh Luther)

This practical preaching document was particularly popular and was printed between 1476 and 1500 in more than 30 editions in Germany, France, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Numerous other editions were held until the 17th century.

ad1) De tempore: Goff J468; HC 15977; Walsh 759; Pr 2120; BMC II

ad2)De sanctis: Goff J470; HC 15979 Walsh 736; Pr 2087; BMC

(Goff and ISTC showing only two copies in the US :Harvard & St Bonaventure Univ)

 

 

10)   942G     Michæl (Michaelis Mediolanensis) Carcano         ( 1427- 1484)
Sermonarium de poenitentia per adventum et per quadragesimam fratris Michaelis Mediolanensis.

Venice : Georgius Arrivabenus, 28 Sept. 1496                                     $9,000

Folio a-z8 [et]8 [con]8 [rum]8 A-E8 F10.   This copy is bound in bind-tooled pigskin over wooden boards,        Carcano was one of the great Franciscan preachers of the 15th-century, In his book there are 92 sermons for Advent and Lent, that amount to a systematic treatment of penitence. Carcano’s preaching was much admired by Bernardino da Feltre, who called him ‘alter sanctus apostolus Paulus et Christi Tuba’.

Quadragesimale seu sermonarium de penitentia duplicatum per aduentu[m] videlicet & quadragesima[m] a venerabili viro fratre Michaele Mediolanensi ordinis fratrum minorum de obseruantia editum: qui tum sanctimonia vite, tu[m] ferue[n]tissima verbi dei p[re]dicatione a deo inumeris meruit corruscare miraculis felici numine explicitum est. Impressu[m] Venetijs optimaq[ue] castigatione eme[n]datu[m]: per Georgiu[m] de Arriuabenis Ma[n]tuanum. Anno d[omi]ni .M.cccclxxxxvj. die .xxviij. Septembris./

 

Goff C197; H 4507*;; Walsh 2140; BMC V 386   (HEHL,Harv CL,LC,St Bonaventure Univ ,Univ. of Kentucky,   Univ. of Minnesota)

“Truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing”

 

11)         930G Thomas Aquinas 1225-1274. editor Theodoricus de Susteren.

Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris s[an]cti Thome Aquinatis. que olim … me[n]dis scatebat. Nouissime iam per … magistru[m] nostru[m] Theodericum de Susteren co[n]uentus Coloniens[is] fratru[m] predicatoru[m] regentem … laboriose reuisa … feliciter incipit.

 

Cologne : Heinrich Quentell, 7 Mar. 1499                                        $12,500

Folio 10 1/2 X 8 inches 2°: A-Z6,Aa-Gg6; {signature Dd signed De}   Third Edition, the final 15th century edition.

Bound in blind-tooled calf including some blind ’title’ on the front board, full calf over wooden boards. Clasps missing, but the catch-plates are present. Light foxing, with some red and green ink dots along edges. Front pastedown shows slight signs of water damage. Occasional small red stains on text block (e.g. E3v and Q5), likely from the books’ rubricator, but otherwise a clean text block.

“Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris sancti Thome Aquinatis…”First written around 1256, Thomas Aquinas’ “Disputed Questions on Truth” defends “the view that truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing. Aquinas develops a notion of truth of being (“ontological truth”) along with truth of the intellect (what might be called “logical truth”)” (Wippel, 295)   Subjects: Truth; God’s Knowledge; Ideas; The Divine Word; Providence; Predestination; The Book of Life; The Knowledge of Angels; Communication of Angelic Knowledge; The Mind; The Teacher; Prophecy; Rapture; Faith; Higher and Lower Reason; Synderesis; Conscience; The Knowledge of the First Man in the State of Innocence; Knowledge of the Soul After Death; The Knowledge of Christ; Good; The Tendency to Good and the Will; God’s Will; Free Choice; Sensuality; The Passions of the Soul; Grace; The Justification of Sinners; and The Grace of Christ. For each topic, Aquinas reviews the topic’s Difficulties, and then responses with ‘To the Contrary’ and ‘Reply’. Aquinas concludes each topic with an “Answers to Difficulties” section, demonstrating his typical insightful worldview and readable literary style.“Everything is a being essentially. But a creature is good not essentially but by participation. Good, therefore, really adds something to being (“Good” [U1v])

translation from   http://dhspriory.org/thomas/QDdeVer21.htm).

Goff T181; (Columbia University, Union Theological Seminary;HEHL; LC ;Massachusetts Historical Society;YUL); BMC I, 289/90; Only one Copy in The British Isles (BL)

Impressa Agrippine. opera atq[ue] impe[n]sis p[ro]uidi viri Henrici Quentell. ciuis eiusdem. Anno salutis humane nonagesimonono supra millesimumquadringentesimu[m] Ipso die celebritatis autoris cursu felici ad finem vsq[ue] perducta.

723G Raymond, of Sabunde, . d 1436

Theologia naturalis sive Liber creatura[rum] specialiter de homine [et] de natura eius in qua[n]tum homo. :[et] de his qu[a] sunt ei necessaria ad cognoscendu[m] seip[su]m [et] Deu[m] [et] om[n]e debitu[m] ad q[uo]d ho[mo] tenet[ur] et obligatur tam Deo q[uam] p[ro]ximo.

Impressus Nurembergae : Per Anthoniu[m] koberger [sic] inibi co[n]cluem,1502 $7,800

Folio, 11X 8 inches . This is about the fifth printed edition. A-Q8 R6 In this copy there are contemporary manuscript initials added in red and blue, There is a gilt initial at the beginning of the prologue tooled in the gold leaf into a gesso ground. It is bound in full contemporary Nuremberg blind-tooled brown sheepskin over wooden boards,lacking clasps,

titled is blind stamped on front board with contemporary paper label; There are several inscriptions on title, including reference to the Prologue’s inclusion on the Index Prohibitorum;(1589)there are the usual stains, browning and internal wear, some marginal rodent damage, the binding has been rebacked,it is a good solid copy .

Sabunde was Born at Barcelona, Spain, towards the end of the fourteenth century; died 1432. From 1430 to his death he taught theology, philosophy, and medicine at the University of Toulouse. Apparently, he wrote several works on theology and philosophy, only one of which remains, “Theologia Naturalis”. It was first written in Spanish then translated into Latin.

This text marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scripture and reason.

The Catholic Encyclopedia sees this as “It represents a phase of decadent Scholasticism, and is a defense of a point of view which is subversive of the fundamental principle of the Scholastic method. The

Schoolmen of the thirteenth century, while holding that there can be no contradiction between theology and philosophy, maintain that the two sciences are distinct. Raymond breaks down the distinction by teaching a kind of theosophy, the doctrine, namely that, as man is a connecting link between the natural and the supernatural, it is possible by a study of human nature to arrive at a knowledge even of the most profound mysteries of Faith. The tendency of his thought is similar to that of the rationalistic theosophy of Raymond Lully….Moreover, in Spain scholastics, in combating Islam, borrowed the weapons of their erudite antagonists. Close internal resemblance indicates that Raimund de Sabunde was preceded in method and object by Raymund Lully.” CE

What is new and epoch-making is not the material but the method; not of circumscribing religion within the limits of reason, but, by logical collation, of elevating the same upon the basis of natural truth to a science accessible and convincing to all. He recognizes two sources of

 

knowledge, the book of nature and the Bible. The first is universal and direct, the other serves partly to instruct man the better to understand nature, and partly to reveal new truths, not accessible to the natural understanding, but once revealed by God made apprehensible by natural reason. The book of nature, the contents of which are manifested through sense experience and self-consciousness, can no more be falsified than the Bible and may serve as an exhaustive source of knowledge; but through the fall of man it was rendered obscure, so that it became incapable of guiding to the real wisdom of salvation. However, the Bible as well as illumination from above, not in conflict with nature, enables one to reach the correct explanation and application of natural things and self. Hence, his book of nature as a human supplement to the divine Word is to be the basic knowledge of man, because it subtends the doctrines of Scripture with the immovable foundations of self-knowledge, and therefore plants the revealed truths upon the rational ground of universal human perception, internal and external.

The first part presents analytically the facts of nature in ascending scale to man,the climax; the second, the harmonization of these with Christian doctrine and their fulfillment in the same. Nature in its. four stages of mere being, mere life, sensible consciousness, and self- consciousness, is crowned by man, who is not only the microcosm but the image of God. Nature points toward a supernatural creator possessing in himself in perfection all properties of the things created out of nothing (the cornerstone of natural theology ever after). Foremost is the ontological argument of Ansehn, followed by the physico-theological, psychological, and moral. He demonstrates the Trinity by analogy from rational grounds, and finally ascribes to man in view of his conscious elevation over things a spontaneous gratitude to God. Love is transformed into the object of its affection; and love to God brings man, and with him the universe estranged by sin, into harmony and unity with him. In this he betrays his mystical antecedents. Proceeding in the second part from this general postulation to its results for positive Christianity, he finds justified by reason all the historic facts of revealed religion, such as the person and works of Christ, as well as the infallibility of the Church and the Scriptures; and

the necessity by rational proof of all the sacraments and practices of the Church and of the pope. It should be added that Raimund’s analysis of nature and self-knowledge is not thoroughgoing and his application is far from consistent. He does not transplant himself to the standpoint of the unbeliever, but rather executes an apology on the part of a consciousness already Christian, thus assuming conclusions in advance that should grow only out of his premises.

Yet his is a long step from the barren speculation of scholasticism, and marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scripture and reason.

 

Katherine Philips 1631-1664

This is perhaps the most famous English collection of poems by a woman prior to 1700. P.W. Souers, in his critical biography of Katherine Philips, asserts for her the right to be historically the first English poetess—“In her, for the first time in the history of English letters, a woman was received into the select company of poets.” Jeremy Taylor dedicated to her his “Discourse on the Nature, Offices, and Measures of Friendship;” Abraham Cowley, Henry Vaughan the Silurist, Thomas Flatman, the Earl of Roscommon, and the Earl of Cork and Orrery all celebrated her talent, and Dryden could pay no higher compliment to Anne Killigrew than to compare her to Orinda.

 

933G Katherine Philips 1631-1664

Poems By the most deservedly Admired Mrs. Katherine Philips, The Matchless Orinda. To which is added Monsieur Corneilles Pompey & Horace,} Tragedies. With several other Translations out of French.

London: Printed by T.N. for Henry Herringman , 1678                                 $4,500

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Folio 11 x 7 inches.  [ ]2, A4, a-Z4, Aa-Tt4, Uu2.   Fourth edition This copy is in good condition internally. It is bound in full seventeenth century English calfskin.

“The daughter of a London merchant, Katherine Fowler [her maiden name] was probably the first English woman poet to have her work published. She married a gentleman of substance from Cardigan, James Philips, and seems to have moved effortlessly into the literary circle adorned by Vaughan, Cowley, and Jeremy Taylor. She was best known by her pseudonym ‘Orinda’ and the name appears on the collection of her Letters, which give a useful picture of the early seventeenth-century literary world. Her translation of Corneille’s ‘Pompee’ was performed in Dublin in 1663 and a collection of her verses was published posthumously in 1664.” (Cambridge Guide to English Literature)Mrs. Philips’ poems were circulated in manuscript, and secured for her a considerable reputation. The surreptitious quarto edition produced in 1664 caused her much annoyance, and Marriott, the publisher, was obliged to withdraw it from sale, and publicly to express his regret for having issued it. Some trouble was taken, it would appear, to destroy the copies, which would account for its rarity. In the preface of the 1667 edition, reference is made to the ‘false edition,’ and a long letter from the author in relation to it is quoted. P.W. Souers, in his critical biography of Katherine Philips, asserts for her the right to be historically the first English poetess—“In her, for the first time in the history of English letters, a woman was received into the select company of poets.” Jeremy Taylor dedicated to her his “Discourse on the Nature, Offices, and Measures of Friendship;” Abraham Cowley, Henry Vaughan the Silurist, Thomas Flatman, the Earl of Roscommon, and the Earl of Cork and Orrery all celebrated her talent, and Dryden could pay no higher compliment to Anne Killigrew than to compare her to Orinda. Keats, in a letter to Reynolds in 1817, quotes her verses with approval. She died of smallpox in 1664 at the age of 33. Wing P-2035.

It is not usual to find a printed book which gives us such a vivid depiction of the literary world for 17th century women, this is a great book and I am constantly amazed by it.

 

Please enjoy reading about it.

804g    Philips, Katherine.1631-1664

LETTERS FROM ORINDA TO POLIARCHUS

LONDON: PRINTED BY W.B. FOR BERNARD LINTOTT, 1705                       $3,500

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OCTAVO,6.75 X 3.75 INCHES.  FIRST EDITION A-R8  BOUND IN ORIGINAL CALF recently rebaked it is a NICE ORIGINAL CONDITION COPY WITH ONLY SOME BROWNING, SPOTTING AND DAMP STAINING, IT IS A VERY GOOD COPY.

 

This is a collection of 48 ( XLVIII) actual letters written by Philips to her patron Sir Charles Cotterell published several decades after her death, there is quit a bit of discussion of the literary culture of the seventh century in Britain. Including insite to Philips writing and reading habits. she often mentions books she is reading and plays which she is working on.

Philips was interested in the epistolary form, she founded the Society of Friendship in 1651 until 1661 was a semi-literary correspondence circle made up of mostly women, though men were also involved. The membership of this group, however, is somewhat questionable, because the authors took on pseudonyms from Classical literature (for example Katherine took on the name Orinda, in which the other members added on the accolade “Matchless.”)

It is interesting to see the relations between the female members of the circle, especially Anne Owen, who is known in Philips’s poems as Lucasia.  Half of Katherine’s poetry is dedicated to this woman. Anne and Katherine seem to have been lovers in an emotional, if not in a physical, sense for about ten years. Also significant as correspondents and lovers were Mary Awbrey (Rosania) and Elizabeth Boyle (Celimena). Elizabeth’s relationship with Katherine, however, was cut short by Philips’ death in 1664.

In  “The Sapphic-Platonics of Katherine Philips, 1632-1664”   Harriette Andreadis

Source:Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 15, no. 1 (autumn 1989): 34-60.

Ms Andreadis, in this essay nicely gives a view of Orinda’s live (and Loves) in relation to her writing by using excerpts from her poems andThese letters;

“That these poems were not merely clever exercises in courtly convention by a woman seeking reputation and patronage (as were, perhaps, some of her Restoration poems addressed to royalty) is confirmed by the circumstances of Philips’s life and letters. Born Katherine Fowler, the daughter of a prosperous London cloth merchant, in 1648 she married James Philips, whom she was to call Antenor in keeping with her penchant for devising pseudo-classical names for her intimates. She was sixteen; he was fifty-four. Clearly, in this marriage, probably arranged by her mother, she loved and respected her husband as she was socially and morally bound to do. Yet, clearly also, there was much distance between them in addition to their respective ages. He lived on the remote west coast of Wales at Cardigan Priory, while she was attached to the intellectual and social amenities of London and took, or created, every opportunity to return to literary and court circles. Her politics were also different from his: she remained a royalist like her friends and courtly admirers, while he and her family were parliamentarians. This publicly recognized political difference at least once threatened his political career.19

Antenor’s absence never evoked the same metaphysical anguish in Philips as did that of Rosania or Lucasia; she wrote of him most often in terms of her “duty.” A telling contrast is that between the frequently unrestrained emotion in her many poems lamenting the absence of a female friend20 and the relative coolness of her single poem to Antenor upon his absence and of her descriptions of her “duty” to Sir Charles. On her immanent departure from Ireland and Lucasia, she wrote: “I have now no longer any pretence of Business to detain me, and a Storm must not keep me from Antenor and my Duty, lest I raise a greater within. But oh! that there were no Tempests but those of the Sea for me to suffer in parting with my dear Lucasia!” (Letter 19, 631). This passage succinctly points to a contrast that is apparent throughout Philips’s writing; it juxtaposes, on the one hand, her feelings of obligation to her husband and, on the other, her passion for Lucasia. As to the rest of her immediate family, her son is mentioned only twice in her writings, both times in poems, one of them a particularly dull one about his death at the age of forty-one days; her daughter, who survived her, is never mentioned at all, either in her poems or in her letters.21

Having endured, in 1652, Mary Aubrey’s (Rosania’s) defection from their friendship into marriage, Philips wrote at least one poem on her “apostasy,” and quickly replaced her with Anne Owen (Lucasia).22 In 1662, Anne Owen, too, married, and Orinda despised Owen’s new husband, Marcus Trevor, which added to her grief. Nevertheless, she accompanied the newlyweds to Dublin and stayed on for a year, ostensibly to conduct her husband’s business (he was now in some financial and political distress owing to his parliamentarianism) and to finish Pompey and see it played at the Theatre Royal, Smock Alley, Dublin. She had also begun to develop aristocratic connections: the earl of Orrery offered her encouragement, she frequented the duke of Ormonde’s salon, and she was becoming friendly with the countess of Cork.

She described her feelings to Sir Charles, whose suit to Anne Owen she had unsuccessfully encouraged, presumably in an attempt to keep Anne within her immediate social circle and in close geographical proximity: “I am much surpriz’d that she, who is so well-bred, and her Conversation every way so agreeable, can be so happy with him as she seems to be: for indeed she is nothing but Joy, and never so well pleas’d as in his Company; which makes me conclude, that she is either extremely chang’d, or has more of the dissembling Cunning of our Sex than I thought she had” (Letter 13, 603).23 She wrote repeatedly to Sir Charles of her grief and disappointment, not unmixed with bitterness, at the loss of her bond with Anne Owen. Her grief in these letters is as acute as the passion in the earlier poems is intense. From Dublin on July 30, 1662, she wrote:

I now see by Experience that one may love too much, and offend more by a too fond Sincerity, than by a careless Indifferency, provided it be but handsomly varnish’d over with civil Respect. I find too there are few Friendships in the World Marriage-proof. … We may generally conclude the Marriage of a Friend to be the Funeral of a Friendship. … Sometimes I think it is because we are in truth more ill-natur’d than we really take our selves to be; and more forgetful of past Offices of Friendship, when they are superseded by others of a fresher Date, which carrying with them the Plausibility of more Duty and Religion in the Knot that ties them, we persuade our selves will excuse us if the Heat and Zeal of our former Friendships decline and wear off into Lukewarmness and Indifferency: whereas there is indeed a certain secret Meanness in our Souls, which mercenarily inclines our Affections to those with whom we must necessarily be oblig’d for the most part to converse, and from whom we expect the chiefest outward Conveniencies. And thus we are apt to flatter our selves that we are constant and unchang’d in our Friendship, tho’ we insensibly fall into Coldness and Estrangement.

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Her letters to Sir Charles during this period are full of disappointed idealism, of highmindedness scorned. The scale of values Philips holds dear in these letters, and in her poetry, places the noble feelings of disinterested friendship far above the frequently compromised and banal motives of marriage and duty. Nevertheless, her notion of disinterested friendship is driven by intensely passionate commitment to the individual woman in question, so that when, in the usual course of things, her friend marries, she responds as a lover scorned. The feelings she expressed in her letters to Sir Charles concerning the defection of Anne Owen reverberate from the poems she had written ten years earlier on the apostasy of Mary Aubrey:

“Lovely apostate! what was my offence?

Or am I punish’d for obedience?”

…..

For our twin-spirits did so long agree,
You must undoe your self to ruine me.

…..

… Glorious Friendship, whence your honour springs,
Ly’s gasping in the croud of common things;

For from my passion your last rigours grew,
And you kill me, because I worshipp’d you.

Thus Philips reveals a covert, innate rebelliousness; she protests with chagrin Mary Aubrey’s and Anne Owen’s replacement of such romantic sentiments with ones more suitable to the exigencies of social and economic life.

Her last known passionate attachment seems to have been to “Berenice,” whom she knew at least since 1658, when she wrote begging her to come to Cardigan and console her for Lucasia’s absence.24Philips evidently continued her correspondence with “Berenice” after returning from Ireland to her home at Cardigan Priory in Wales because the last letter is dated from there a month before her death in London. The tone of the four letters to “Berenice” is a combination of nearly fawning supplication to a social superior and breathless passion, the two inextricably fused:

All that I can tell you of my Desires to see your Ladiship will be repetition, for I had with as much earnestness as I was capable of, Begg’d it then, and yet have so much of the Beggar in me, that I must redouble that importunity now, and tell you, That I Gasp for you with an impatience that is not to be imagin’d by any Soul wound up to a less concern in Friendship then yours is, and therefore I cannot hope to make others sensible of my vast desires to enjoy you, but I can safely appeal to your own Illustrious Heart, where I am sure of a Court of Equity to relieve me in all the Complaints and Suplications my Friendship can put up.

[Letter 51, 773]25

It is impossible to disentangle the elements of Orinda’s passion for “Berenice,” complicated as their relationship was by social inequality and as our understanding of it is by an absence of any information external to the four letters. However, Philips’s tone in these letters seems desperate beyond any conventional courtliness; she yearns to fill the void left by Lucasia’s absence and, later, rejection.

After her success with Pompey on the Dublin stage, Philips found it difficult to remain immured at the Priory and finally was able to solicit an invitation from her friends, and her husband’s permission, to return to London, where she died of smallpox at the age of thirty-one. A major change had taken place in Philips’s life when the loss of her friendship with Lucasia was coincidentally accompanied by the foundering fortunes of her husband, which she attempted to remedy through her well-placed friends. That she had not succeeded in doing so when she died suggests that the double blow she had suffered left her depressed (as the anxiety in her last letters to Sir Charles shows), weakened, and vulnerable to disease.

After the defection of Lucasia, she wrote no more of the poetry that had won her such high praise; instead, she poured her energies into using her court connections to gain patronage for herself and, probably unsuccessfully, preferment for Antenor. She wrote numerous poems to royalty, self-consciously addressing public themes, and increasingly fewer intimate poems to particular friends. Also, she vied with the male wits for recognition of her theatrical translations, which are still considered the best English versions of Corneille.26 Philips’s immersion in Corneille and the adoption of a more neoclassical style may have been politically expedient in the early 1660s, but at this time in Philips’s life, Corneille’s subordination of personal passion to duty and patriotism in the long speeches that she translated also must have appealed to her own need to control her disordered emotions.27

Her royalist sympathies throughout the Interregnum no doubt now enabled her to advance the interests of her parliamentarian husband as well as her own literary ambitions. Souers comments on the notable change in her poems and in her stance toward literary circles: “The Cult of Friendship may be said to have died with the marriage of its inspirer. All that remained was the empty shell, which, in this case, means the names, so that when, later, poems addressed to new friends appear, it must be kept in mind that the old fire is gone.”28 Souers’s judgment is borne out by the poems Philips addressed to the Boyle sisters, daughters of the countess of Cork, a patron during Philips’s stay in Ireland. Though she attempts to continue, or perhaps to revivify, the traditions of her cult of friendship by bestowing pastoral nicknames, Philips reveals in her later poems the conflict and ambivalence with which more intimate approaches to her social superiors are fraught. She confronts this problem of friendship with aristocratic women directly in “To Celimena” (1662-64), addressed to Lady Elizabeth Boyle; the eight-line poem concludes: “Wouldst thou depose thy Saint into thy Friend? / Equality in friendship is requir’d, / Which here were criminal to be desir’d” (no. 107, 472). Her earlier passionate avowals of friendship have become reverential.2

The full essay is here :http://www.oocities.org/hargrange/philipsandreadis.html %5B(essay date 1989)]

 

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 For a Great Web Page on 17th Century Writing Please see the Luminarium

THERE is lots of wonderful connections to K.P. here…..

Butler, John. “The Life of Katherine Philips.”  Luminarium.15 Apr 2003.  <http://www.luminarium.org/sevenlit/philips/>

Also:

Friendship, Authorship, and Forms of Publication in Katherine Philipsmore

by 

http://www.academia.edu/2061377/Friendship_Authorship_and_Forms_of_Publication_in_Katherine_Philips

 

 

 

 

 

Philological Quarterly
“That Private Shade, Wherein My Muse Was Bred”: Katherine Philips and the Poetic Spaces of Welsh Retirement
By Prescott, Sarah

Article excerpt

Katherine Philips’s literary career provides the scholar with the most extensive surviving example of women’s manuscript circulation and coterie poetic practice in the seventeenth century. (1) Both in her own lifetime and posthumously, Philips was lauded in terms of her virtuous image as “the matchless Orinda” and then increasingly noted in terms of her pivotal role in the poetic “Society of Friendship,” a Royalist coterie she created in the 1650s. Modern critical attention likewise focused on her poetry of female friendship and her place as a role model for later women writers. (2) More recently, however, Philips has been seen as a political poet whose work should be read in the context of her Royalist sympathies. As a result, what was previously considered to be Philips’s gendered retreat into a “private” poetic world of like-minded literary friends is instead recognized as a characteristic articulation of encoded Royalist allegiance. (3) As Hero Chalmers phrases it, in Philips’s work “depictions of feminine withdrawal reflect the Interregnum royalist need to represent the space of retirement or interiority as the actual centre of power” (4) What is rarely taken into account is not only that Katherine Philips wrote most of her poetry in Wales, but that she is the only known Anglophone woman poet writing from Wales in the entire seventeenth century. In addition, a fair proportion of her work is not addressed to the members of her “Society of Friendship” but to an audience of readers and acquaintances within Wales itself. (5) This body of occasional and elegiac poetry is rarely mentioned in studies of Philips’s writing.(6) In contrast, this essay makes Katherine Philips’s relation to Wales the center of its investigation. To reframe Chalmers’s insight above, I will ask in what ways an attention to the geographical spaces of retirement Philips inhabited as a writer shift our understanding of her work and her significance in literary history, specifically Welsh literary history. On a more detailed textual level, I will ask how these “material” spaces inform the “discursive” spaces of her poetry. Although Philips’s experience of Wales was expressed in a number of different ways in her poetry and letters, here I focus on a selection of her poems which explore the theme of retirement in relation to her Welsh context: “That private shade, wherein my Muse was bred.” (7)

My approach builds on recent developments in the study of women’s writing which look beyond England and consider women’s writing in Britain across the early modern archipelago. (8) Despite the rise of “archipelagic” literary studies of Britain more generally, the perceived need to be inclusively British in our approach to literary history has taken longer to establish itself as a key component in the history of women’s writing. (9) One way forward is to put more emphasis on the different places from which women produced literary texts and to pay more attention to the way in which different locations and sites of literary production shaped the content of these texts. Kate Chedgzoy has argued that “when we study early modern English women’s writing, we need to pay more attention to texts in the English language produced in Wales, Scotland, Ireland, British North America and the Caribbean as well as England. And we need to do so in the context of new geographies of that changing world that enable us to grasp the full complexity of the locations the writing comes from, and how and why that locatedness matters.” (10) Furthermore, as Chedgzoy suggests, we also need to make “an effort to learn more about the ways in which women perceived themselves as Irish, Scots, Welsh, English and/or British.” (11)

From this perspective, Philips, a writer whose career was based in Wales and latterly Ireland, can be read not as the archetypal English coterie writer but rather as representatively archipelagic. As Chedgzoy has noted further, “a properly internationalist, Atlantic and comparative approach to early modern British women’s writing” might include, for example, “Katherine Philips’s translations of French plays, made in Wales and performed in Ireland. …

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Holland’s Pliny: 1601 one of the Most Important Elizabethan Science Books

881G     Gaius Plinius Secundus. (23-79); trans. Philemon Holland Pliny the Elder 1552-1637

The Historie Of the World: Commonly called, the Natvrall Historie of c. Plinivs Secvndvs. Translted into English by Philemon Holland Doctor of Physicke. The first [and second] Tome[s].

 

London: Adam Islip,1601                                                                                     $11,000

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DSC_0019Folio 11 3/4 X 8 inches. [π]6, ¶4 a-b6 A8 B-3I6 3K4; A-3G6 3H4 3I-3O6 3P8 (lacking blank leaves 1 and 3P8) First edition second issue. Title pages to both volumes both with a large woodcut device. This copy is bound in contemporary English calfskin, ruled in blind, rebacked with an appropriate gilt spine.it is an impressive copy.. A generally excellent, crisp, bright copy with very minor faults: repaired  tears on the corners of leaves Aii-Avii in the second book with loss of a few words on each page  A few signatures with very light marginal dampstains. Occasional rust spots, marginal tears, or marginal natural paper flaws.

An impressive book

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“All [of Pliny’s] works have been lost, except for the ‘Naturalis Historia.’ An atmosphere of excess surrounds the work. We know that Pliny claims never to have read a book so bad as not to have any value at all; and Pliny was constantly reading, taking notes, and indexing. The final result was a work in thirty-seven books, intended to inventory the total knowledge possessed by man. The indefatigable Pliny worked his way through impressive numbers: 34,000 notices, 2,000 volumes read, from 100 different authors, and 170 dossiers of notes and preparatory files (‘I have not knowingly omitted any piece of information, if I have found it anywhere.’).“Pliny remained popular in the Renaissance. He was one of the most frequently consulted authorities on many subjects for Valla and many other humanists; there were at least forty-six editions of his work by 1550; and he was translated in Italian by Landino (published in 1501) and into English by Philemon Holland (1601). But gradually the intense philological work of humanist scholars on the one hand and the new discoveries of the scientific revolution on the other began to throw doubt upon Pliny’s reputation as an infallible authority, and in the end his reputation could not even be rescued by blaming the manuscripts. Yet as Pliny has lost his practical value as a reference handbook for the modern period, he had gained in historical importance for the information he transmits concerning ancient art, science, folklore, religion, and material culture. It is precisely Pliny’s intellectual defects—his bland indifference to theoretical rigor, his refusal to engage in systematic analysis and selection—that make him so precious for modern scholars interested in the ancient world. Unlike scholars who had greater intelligence, more self-confidence, or simply more time at their disposal, he preserves everything and passes it on to us.” (Conte)

DSC_0021“Along with the patriotic aims of an Englishman and a literary voyager Holland [the English translator of this volume of Pliny] has a theory of his art, though only hints of it are given in his prefaces. What he calls his ‘meane and popular stile’ might be taken as a generic representative of the best early seventeenth century writing. Holland’s unusual learning and care chastened his prose without robbing it of colloquial energy, concrete amplitude, and metaphorical color. His slight but frequent additions are made in the interest of complete and vivid clarity and emotional effect. And the whole tone of his work reflects his Elizabethan veneration for, and sense of contemporaneous intimacy with, the great men and events and the ethical wisdom of antiquity. Pliny’s philosophy gave him some qualms, but these were satisfactorily quieted. In his life and in his work Holland was a fine example of the Christian humanist.” (Bush)

This is one of the Most Important Elizabethan Science Books.

The Natural History of Pliny the Elder is more than a natural history: it is an encyclopaedia of all the knowledge of the ancient world It comprises 37 books with mathematics and physics, geography and astronomy, medicine and zoology, anthropology and physiology, philosophy and history, agriculture and mineralogy, the arts and letters The Historia soon became a standard book of reference; abstracts and abridgements appeared by the third century. Bede owned a copy, Alcuin sent the early books to Charlemagne, and Dicuil, the Irish geographer, quotes him in the ninth century. It was the basis of Isidore’s Etymologiae and such medieval encyclopedias as the Speculum Majus of Vincent of Beauvais and the Catholicon of Balbus. One of the earliest books to be printed at Venice, the centre from which so much of classical literature was first dispensed, it was later translated into English by Philemon Holland in 1601, and twice reprinted (a notable achievement for so vast a text) Over and over again it will be found that the source of some ancient piece of knowledge is Pliny. (PMM 5) .

Holland’s first book, the first complete rendering of Livy into English, was published in 1600 when he was nearly fifty. It was a work of great importance, presented in a grand folio volume of 1458 pages, and dedicated to the queen.  The Livy was followed in the next year by an equally huge translation, of the elder Pliny: The Historie of the World, Commonly called, the Naturall Historie. This encyclopaedia of ancient knowledge about the natural world had already had a great indirect influence in England, as elsewhere in Europe, but had not been translated into English before, and would not be again for 250 years. (ODNB)

Pforzheimer, 496; STC (2nd ed.), 20029.5

Joco-seriorum naturæ et artis, sive, Magiæ naturalis centuriæ tres

679G Gaspar Schott ( Aspasius Caramuelius) ; Athanasius Kircher 1608-1666

Joco-seriorum naturæ et artis, sive, Magiæ naturalis centuriæ tres, das ist, Drey-Hundert nütz- und lustige Sätze allerhand merckwürdiger Stücke, von Schimpff und Ernst, genommen auss der Kunst und Natur, oder natürlichen Magia Athanasii Kicheri Diatribe .

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Franckfurt am Mayn : In Verlegung Johann Arnold Cholin,1672 $5,500

Quarto 8 X 5 inches [6] unsigned leaves, A-Z4, Aa-Tt4. First Edition This copy is bound in full contemporary sheep.  DSC_0035 Rare first (?) German trsl. of this esoteric work by the German Jesuit and scientist G. Schott (1608-1666) describing scientific and magical tricks to show that science can be fun and enjoyable. There are twenty two engraved plates. (some folding) depicting how these incentions work for example how to build a fireplace and prevent chimney fires, how to walk on water or how to catch fish with your hands.

DSC_0037Bound after the Schott work is a treais by Athanasius Kircher, titled “Diatribe, Oder Beweisschrifft”. Ms. ownership entry “Joannes Michaël Jenigen, jurisprudentia et (…) professor”.

DeBacker-Sommervogel vol.VII col.911 no.13 ; Faber du Faur,; no. 1011; [Caillet 10003 and cf. Caillet 10002] ;. VD-17 14:637268W

 

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Gaspar Schott, S.J. was born in Koenigshofen, Germany and died in in Augsburg. He studied in Sicily and later worked with Athanasius Kircher in Rome for three years before returning to Germany in 1655 where he was appointed professor of mathematics at Augsburg. He edited a number of books by Kircher, e.g., Pantometricum Kircherianum and Iter Extaticum Coeleste. He was asked by Otto von Guericke to describe the experiment of the exhausted hemisphere, and his dramatic sketch of this experiment at Magdeburg has been copied for centuries in physics textbooks. Schott added as an appendix to his Mechanica Hydraulio-pneumatica (1657) a detailed account of Guericke’s experiments on vacuums, the earliest published report of this work.

As a result of these publications Schott became the center of correspondence, as other scientists wrote to inform him of their inventions and discoveries. Schott exchanged several letters with von Guericke,seeking to draw him out by suggesting new problems, and then he published his later investigations. He also corresponded with Huygens and was the first to make Boyle’s investigations on the air pump widely known in Germany. Even though he personally held the Aristotelian abhorrence of a vacuum, he was open to new information from experiments and rendered great service to Germany by encouraging experimentation.

He was the author of a number of works on mathematics, physics, and magic. They are a mine of curious facts and observations and were formerly much read. His most interesting work is the “Magia universalis naturæ et artis”, 4 vols., Würtzburg, 1657-1659, which contains a collection of mathematical problems and a large number of physical experiments, notably in optics and acoustics.  He also published “Pantometricum Kircherianum” (Würtzburg, 1660); “Physica curiosa” (Würtzburg, 1662), a supplement to the “Magia universalis”; “Anatomia physico-hydrostatica fontium et fluminum” (Würtzburg, 1663), and a “Cursus mathematicus” which passed through several editions. He also edited the “Itinerarium extacticum” of Kircher and the “Amussis Ferdidindea” of Curtz. (CE)

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Incunabula

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OK so by clicking on the following links, you SHOULD get the index to my most recent Fascicule :

# VIII F VIII index and then  the complete catalogue Fascicule no 8INIf that doesn’t work please find below the text:

 

945G       Eusebius 1473 :Goff E119; BMC I 194.     (Boston Public Library, Indiana Univ)

723G       Bonaventura 1476 :Goff   B959 BMC II 434.

957G       Mediavilla 1476-7 Goff M 424 BMC V 206. (St Louis Univ., Pius XII Memorial      Library ()  &     YUL (–) i.e. both defective)

946G       Bonaventura 1477 :Goff B858; BMC XII 16; Walsh 1701

951G         Vincentius 1481 :Goff V277 BMC III 746.

836G       Blanchellus 1483 Goff B693;BMC HR 3228. (HEHL only!)

776G         Hilarius   1489 :Goff H269; BMC VI 777.     ( Yale U , Villanova )  

907G       Johannes de Verde 1498 & 1494 Goff J468 & J470. (Harvard & St Bonaventure Univ)

942G       Carcano 1496 :Goff C197; H 4507*; BMC V 386. (HEHL,Harv,CL,LC,St Bonaventure, Univ of Kentucky, Univ. of Minn)                            

922 G      Bernardinus deBusti, 1498 &1498 : Goff B1336;BMC V 387.

930G     Thomas Aquinas 1499 : Goff T181. (Columbia, Union Theological;HEHL Mass. Historical;YUL)

723G       Raymond, of Sabunde 1502. Adams S-36; VD 16, R 174.

756G       Diodorus 1505-1508; Goff D214. GW VII Sp.431a (HarvCL, N.L.M. ,Williams,YUL)

 

Fascicule no 8IN

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1)   945G           Eusebius of Caesarea                  c. 260-c. 340

Eusebius Pa[m]phili de eua[n]gelica preparac[i]o[n]e ex greco in latinu[m] translatus Incipit feliciter.         

[ Cologne, Ulrich Zel, not after 1473]                          $14,000

Folio     10 ¾ x 7 ¾ inches.       [a]12, [b-o]10, [p]8           One of the earliest editions, (editio princeps : Venice 1470) This copy is bound in a modern binding of half vellum with corners, flat spine (spine renewed, boards slightly rubbed, inside joints split).

This copy contains the fifteen books of the “Praeparatio evangelica,” whose purpose is “to justify the Christian in rejecting the religion and philosphy of the Greeks in favor of that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not observing the Jewish manner of life […] The following summary of its contents is taken from Mr. Gifford’s introduction to his translation of the “Praeparitio:

“The first three books discuss the threefold system of Pagan Theology: Mythical, Allegorical, and Political. The next three, IV-VI, give an account of the chief oracles, of the worship of demons, and of the various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doctrines of Fate and Free Will. Books VII-IX give reasons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the excellency of their Scriptures and the truth of their history. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the Greeks had borrowed from the older theology and philosphy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the supposed dependence of Plato upon Moses. In the the last three books, the comparson of Moses with Plato is continued, and the mutual contradictions of other Greek Philosphers, especially the Peripatetics and Stoics, are exposed and criticized.”

The “Praeparitio” is a gigantic feat of erudition, and, according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120), was, like many of Eusebius’ other works, actually composed during the stress of the persecution. It ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to the Church History in importance, because of its copious extracts from ancient authors, whose works have perished.” (CE)

It is also very interesting because of its numerous lively fragments from historians and philosophers which are nowhere else preserved, e.g. a summary of the writings of the Phoenician priest Sanchuniathon, or the account from Diodorus Siculus’ sixth book of Euhemerus’ wondrous voyage to the island of Panchaea, and writings of the neo-Platonist philosopher Atticus. Eusebius (c. 263-339), Greek historian and exegete, Christian polemicist and scholar Biblical canon, became bishop of Cesarea in 314 and is considered as the father of Church History as his writings are very important for the first three centuries of the Christianity.

Goff E119; BMC I 194

(United States of America: Boston Public Library
Indiana Univ., The Lilly Library (- 2 ff.)
YUL)
;

 

2)       723G  Bonaventura, Saint. (i.e. Conrad of Saxony)

Speculum Beatae Mariae Virginis.


[Augsburg]: Anton Sorg, 29 Feb. 1476                              $9,800

Folio, 11 1/4 X 8 inches . First edition

50 leaves a-e10   This copy is bound in full modern vellum.

First edition This copy is bound in full modern vellum, it is a very Large copy.

No longer attributed to Bonaventura, attributed to Conrad of Saxony whose the Date and place of birth are uncertain. Holyinger is perhaps his family name. The error has been made by some of confounding Conrad of Saxony with another person of the same name who suffered for the Faith in 1284, whereas it is certain that they were two distinct individuals, though belonging to the same province of the order in Germany. Our Conrad became provincial minister of the province of Saxony in 1245, and for sixteen years ruled the province with much zeal and prudence. While on his way to the general chapter of 1279, he was attacked with a grievous illness and died at Bologna in 1279. The writings of Conrad of Saxony include several sermons and now the “Speculum Beatæ Mariæ Virginis”; the latter, at times erroneously attributed to St. Bonaventure, was edited by the Friars Minor at Quaracchi in 1904. The preface to this excellent edition of the “Speculum” contains a brief sketch of the life of Conrad of Saxony and a critical estimate of his other writings. _ This is one of Anton Sorg’s early works and the second edition of this work at his press; the first one being from 29 II 1476 (Hain 3566; GKW 04817).

 

There is not much known about Sorg. He was an apprentice in the printing shop of the monastery of Saint Ulrich and Afra in 1472 and later its director. In 1475 he left the monastery and started his own press in Augsburg. That city was then particularly famed for the craftsmen who produced woodcuts for block-books. In that city book illustration as an art first flourished and Sorg played an important part in that development. Sorg was active in Augsburg between 1475 and 1493. And very active, he was one of the most prolific of the early printers: the GW mentions altogether 242 works. He had close professional ties to other printers, especially the Bämmler and Schönsperger offices, who often used the same illustrations. His most famous edition was the 1477-German Bible.

A peculiarity of Sorg’s press was the use of outlined woodcut initials (after the examples of the medieval manuscript). Often a large outlined initial was inserted at the start of a chapter and within each chapter smaller woodcut initials headed each division. Both large and small initials. Sorg’s use of printed outlines of the letters to be illuminated was not a common practice.

 

In this work there is on the first leaf a splendid 10-line decorative Maiblumen initial Q and furthermore there are 16 3- or 4-line initials (8x A; 4x D; 4x B). Curiously, on leaf 38v there is only an initial space. On Sorg see: Albert Schramm – Der Bilderschmuck der Frühdrucke. Vol. 4: Die Drucke von Anton Sorg in Augsburg (Hiersemann, 1921).

Goff B959 BMC II 434

3) 957G            Richard Mediavilla [Middleton],   d. 1302/3

         Commentum super quartem  Sententarium.

Venice: Christophorus Arnoldus, [circa 1476-7]        $22,000

 

Folio 12 ¼ 9 ¼ inches. a-z10 [et]10 [cum]10 [per]10 A 10 B-D8 (D8v blank and aa1r blank)  aa8 bb10 cc8 {320 leaves complete}

 

Second edition.   This copy is rubricated throughout with nicely complicated red initials. It is bound in an age appropriate binding of full calf over wooden boards wit clasps and catches with quite impressive end bands.DSC_0285

“Middleton, Richard of [Richard de Mediavilla] Franciscan friar, theologian, and philosopher, was born about the middle of the thirteenth century in either England or France. He studied at Paris, where he formed part of the so-called neo-Augustinian movement, defending the philosophy and theology of Augustine against the inroads of Aristotelianism, during the years 1276–87. He probably studied under William of Ware and Matteo d’Acquasparta, usually viewed as principal figures in this movement.
Middleton’s Commentary on Peter Lombard’s ‘Sentences’ was probably begun in 1281 and was completed in 1284, when he became regent master of the Franciscan school in Paris, a post he held until 1287. The chief characteristic of his Commentary is its sober assessment of many of the positions of Thomas Aquinas. However, the tone of his eighty Quodlibet Questions, produced during his regency, is much more critical and on many issues shows a strong anti-Thomist reaction. In this they have more in common with his disputed questions, which were argued after the condemnations of 1277 but before his Sentences commentary. The latter commentary has been edited along with his Quodlibet Questions. A small number of his disputed questions have also been edited, as have six of his sermons.

DSC_0282Middleton’s link to the neo-Augustinian movement is seen especially in his treatment of the will, even though he does not entirely follow his teachers, Ware and Acquasparta. For Middleton the will is much more noble than the intellect, since it is much more noble to love God than to understand him. Understanding without the corresponding love separates man from God. However, the key to the will’s nobility is its freedom. The intellect is forced by evidence when evidence is given; the will also is forced by its nature to seek the good, but it is free in choosing the means to its predetermined goal. Even if the intellect were prudent enough to show man the best means to his goal, he would not be forced to adopt them. ‘For although the intellect, like a servant with a lamp, points out the way, the will, like the master, makes the decisions and can go in any direction it pleases’ (Stegmüller, 722).

The superiority of the human will over the intellect further manifests itself in Middleton’s conception of the nature of theology. Certainly, the study of the scriptures attempts to clarify human knowledge of both creator and creatures; principally, however, it aims to stimulate man’s affections. Middleton believes that scripture prescribes laws, forbids, threatens, attracts man through promises, and shows him models of behaviour that he should follow or avoid. The study of scripture perfects the soul, moving it toward the good through fear and love. It is more of a practical science than a speculative endeavour. A theology that is speculative is one that models itself on the theology of the metaphysician or philosopher and tends to reduce Christian faith to reason.

The influence of Aquinas is more in evidence in Middleton’s theory of knowledge. Middleton rejects the illumination theory of Bonaventure and his more loyal followers. Man’s intellectual knowledge can be explained, he argues, by the abstraction performed by the agent intellect from the singulars experienced by the human senses. In short, human individuals know, and they know by means of their own intellectual efforts, not by some special divine illumination. Unlike those who endorse the illumination theory, Middleton contends that there is no direct knowledge of spiritual beings, including God. God is not the first thing known. He can be known only by starting with creatures and by reasoning about their origins or final end. Middleton died in Rheims on 30 March 1302 or 1303.” [Oxford DNB]

Goff M-424; BMC V 206.

(The ISTC shows two US copies…St Louis Univ., Pius XII Memorial Library () & YUL – i.e. both defective)

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4)   946G        Bonaventura (fromerly attributed to)             but Nicolaus de Hanapis (1225-1291)

 

Exempla Sacrae Scriptae ex utroque Testamento collecta. (Biblia pauperum;) Virtutum vitiorumque exempla

 

Imp[re]ssioniq[ue] Venetijs deditu[m] : Impe[n]sis Iohannis de Colonia socijq[ue] ei[us] Ioha[n]nis Manthen de Gherretzem, before 1477 (The Paris BN copy was bought at Avignon on 14 August 1477)                       $7,500

 

Folio a-e8, f6, g;a-b8, c6, d8

 

Title from incipit of Breviloquium (leaf [1st]a2r)./ Includes “Biblia Pauperum” attributed to St. Bonaventure, which is a shortened version of a text by Nicolas de Hannapes, Virtutum vitiorumque exempla, more generally called “Exempla sacrae Scripturae”. Cf. Gutenberg Jahrbuch 1936, p. 61-62./ Each work has separate signatures./ Imprint from colophon (leaf The Biblia pauperum (leaves 2a1-2d8) is now usually attributed to Nicolas de Hannapes. Cf. BM 15th cent., GW./ Imprint from colophon./ Signatures: a-c8 f6 g8 2a-2b8 2c6 2d8./ } Bound in Back carton, brown calf case of the with elegant decoration imprinted in gold, with title and date of the work on the front plate. Ancient note of possession to a final glance.

This is the second part only this tract   consists of one of several versions of a text going back to the Virtutum vitiorumque exempla of Nicolaus Hanapus, and generally entitled Exempla sacrae scripturae. The title ‘Biblia pauperum’ and the ascription to St. Bonaventure are both incorrect”. (V. Scholderer in Gb Jb 1936 pp.61-62, reprinted in Fifty Essays (Amsterdam, 1966) pp.140-41: Version E)
Rather than a ‘Pauper’s Bible’ this book is in actuality a “religious exempla” (cautionary stories used to aid preaching). The book presents thousands of examples drawn exclusively from the Bible that enable preachers to illustrate their teaching on virtues and vices and to help the faithful to behave Christianly in public and private life, The moment of death. It was printed for the first time in Venice in 1477 and attributed to St. Bonaventure . It is frequently reissued under various titles. For example, Summa virtutum and viciorum (Cologne 1544, and Paris 1548), Virtutum vitiorumque exempla ex universo divinae scripture promptuario desumta , Flores biblici , Exempla biblica (Augsburg, 1726), or simply as the ‘Bible of the Poor’ , Probably because these narratives were easily understood, and because the publishers had arranged them in alphabetical order

Goff B858; BMC XII 16; Walsh 1701
(US copies :Folger , HEHL (var), HarvCL Indiana Univ., The Lilly Library (Biblia pauperum only)
LC, SMU, Newberry Library, Univ. of Illinois (-),Vassar College)

 

 

5)         951G       Bellovacensis Vincentius     1184-1264

Opuscula [Con: Liber gratiae] ; [Laudes Virginis Mariae] ; [De Sancto Iohanne evangelista] ; [De eruditione filiorum regalium] ; [Consolatio pro morte amici].

 

Basel : Johann Amerbach,,13 dec 1481              $11,000

Folio                π6;a10,b-c8,d-p10/8,q8; r-v10/8 x8;y10 A-b10/8 E-H8;I10,K-P8nbQ10. (338 leaves)
Witn numerous rubicated Inatials and capital strokes, thgis copy is bound in full blind tooled pigskin over wooden boards, lacking clasps but a nice catch!            The life of the Dominican friar Vincent of Beauvais, one of the greatest encyclopedists of the Middle Ages, is shrouded in mystery. His place of birth is unknown; his date of birth remains a matter of speculation, despite the fact that it has variously been listed as 1180 or 1190.
Beauvais’ De eruditione filiorum nobilium (“The education of noble children””
Consolatio pro morte amici is addressed to St. Louis on the death of one of his sons in 1260.                        Goff V277; Walsh 1156;BMC III 746;

 

Boston Public Library (- Liber gratiae),Columbia University,Cornell
Georgetown Univ
HEHL,Harv(M)L,HarvCL,LC,New York Public ,Ohio State ,PML
Univ. of DaytonUniv. of Illinois ,Univ. of Michigan,Univ. of Notre Dame, Univ. of Pennsylvania,WArtGL,YUL

 

6)   836G          Blanchellus, Menghus (Bianchelli, Mengo) 1440-1520

 

Super logicam Pauli Veneti expositio et quaestiones (Menghi Fauentini viri clarissimi in Pauli Veneti logicam commentum cu[m] questionibus quibusdam.)                

 

Impressu[m] Venetiis :[Per] Antoniu[m] [et] strata de Cremona.   1483               $ 18,000

 

Quarto a-t8 u6. This copy is bound in Quarter reverse calf over quarter sawn wooden boards

 

U.S: One copy only: The Huntington Library

 

Title from incipit on a2 recto./ Colophon reads: Me[n]ghi faue[n]tini viri clarissimii Pauli veneti logica[m] Co[m]e[n]tu[m] cu[m] q[uesti]onib[us] no[n]nullis feliciter finit. Impressu[m] Venetiis Su[m]ma cu[m] dilige[n]tia [per] Antoniu[m] & strata de Cremona. Anno ab i[n]carnat[i]o[n]e d[omin]ni. Mcccclxxxiii. vi calendas Septe[m]bris. Joha[n]ne mocenico iclito veneto[rum] duce./ Text printed in 2 columns; 46 lines. With initial spaces; without foliation and catchwords. Register at end
Rare philosophical treatise by the philosopher and physician M. Blanchellus (about 1440-1520), giving an explanation of the work of Paul of Venice, the important logician and realist of the Middle Ages.
Took part in a “disputation” with Pico della Mirandola in Florence

 

Goff B693; HR 3228; IBE 1072; IGI 1751; BSB-Ink B-545; GW 4406

 

 

7)   776G          Hilarius, Episcopus Pictaviensis (315-367/68)ed. Cribellus, Georgius,; fl. 1489. and     Saint Augustine

                  Libri Sancti Hilarii de Trinitate contra Arianos, contra Constantium hereticum, contra Auxentium et de synodis fidei catholicae contra Arianos. – Liber Aurelii Augustini de Trinitate. [Georgio Crivellio edente.]

 

Mediolani : per magistrum Leonardum Pachel 1489                                   $9,500

Folio 11½ X 8 inches A-I, AA, BB, a-k, in eights, except H, I, in sixes. The last leaf is blank.

First Edition This copy is bound in later quarter calf. There is light dampstain at top margin, few minor wormholes in the beginning, touching a few letters, some thumbing to lower outer corner of first few leaves, small old red ink note to last leaf. Without the final blank. Small bookplate of the former Redemptorist seminary St. Alphonsus in Esopus, NY. Early 19th cen.

This is the Editio princeps of Hilary of Poitiers’ major theological work, issued with St. Augustine’s work on the same subject. (first published befor 1474)
Saint Hilary devoted to writing some of the greatest theology on the Trinity, and was like his Master in being labeled a “disturber of the peace.” In a very troubled period in the Church, his holiness was lived out in both scholarship and controversy. He was bishop of Poitiers in France.   Raised a pagan, he was converted to Christianity when he met his God of nature in the Scriptures. His wife was still living when he was chosen, against his will, to be the bishop of Poitiers in France. He was soon taken up with battling what became the scourge of the fourth century, Arianism, which denied the divinity of Christ.

The heresy spread rapidly. St. Jerome said “The world groaned and marveled to find that it was Arian.” When Emperor Constantius ordered all the bishops of the West to sign a condemnation of Athanasius, the great defender of the faith in the East, Hilary refused and was banished from France to far off Phrygia (in modern-day Turkey). Eventually he was called the “Athanasius of the West.” While writing in exile, he was invited by some semi-Arians (hoping for reconciliation) to a council the emperor called to counteract the Council of Nicea. But Hilary predictably defended the Church, and when he sought public debate with the heretical bishop who had exiled him, the Arians, dreading the meeting and its outcome, pleaded with the emperor to send this troublemaker back home. Hilary was welcomed by his people.

His work on the Trinity is a scriptural confirmation of the philosophic doctrine of the divinity of Christ, and is of permanent value. It was not a mere restatement of traditional orthodoxy, but afresh and living utterance of his own experience and study. In the discussion of the co-essentiality of the Son, Hilary lays emphasis on the Scripture titles and affirmations, and especially on his birth from the Father, which he insists involves identity of essence. In the elaboration of the divine-human personality of Christ, he is more original and profound. The incarnation was a move went of the Logos towards humanity in order to lift humanity up to participation in the divine nature. It consisted in a self-emptying of himself, and the assumption of human nature. In this process lie lost none of his divine nature; and, even during the humiliation, he continued to reign everywhere in heaven and on earth. Christ assumed body, soul, and spirit, and passed through all stages of human growth, his body being really subject to pain and death. and living utterance of his own experience and study. In the discussion of the co-essentiality of the Son, Hilary lays emphasis on the Scripture titles and affirmations, and especially on his birth from the Father, which he insists involves identity of essence. In the elaboration of the divine-human personality of Christ, he is more original and profound. The incarnation was a move went of the Logos towards humanity in order to lift humanity up to participation in the divine nature. It consisted in a self-emptying of himself, and the assumption of human nature. In this process lie lost none of his divine nature; and, even during the humiliation, he continued to reign everywhere in heaven and on earth. Christ assumed body, soul, and spirit, and passed through all stages of human growth, his body being really subject to pain and

death. Redemption is the result of Christ’s voluntary substitution of himself, out of love, in our stead. Between the God-man and the believer there is a vital communion. As the Logos is in the Father, by reason of his divine birth, so we are in him, and become partakers of his nature, by regeneration and the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s Supper.

The christology of Hilary is full of fresh and inspiring thoughts, which deserve to be better known than they are.

 

Goff H269; BMC VI 777

( Yale U , Villanova Univ)

 

 

8 & 9)             907G          Johannes de Verde (d.1437)

                     Sermones Dormi secure vel dormi sine cura de t[em]p[or]e.
                                         [bound with]
Sermones Dormi secure de tempore et de sanctis.

Nuremberg : Anton Koberger, 12 Mar. 1498
Nuremberg : Anton Koberger,    5 Jan. 1494                                                 $12,000

Folio 11 X 8 inches A (-A1)-F8 G6 [bound with] a-e8 f6 g-k8 I10

The first works lacks title slug. The second work is complete. These two books are rubicated in red and blue throuout. It has a manuscript index on the verso of the final leaf. It is bound in blind stamped original calf over wooden boards ,nicely rebacked.  The two parts of the famous preaching collection of the Franciscan monk Johannes de Verdana , who, besides Johann von Minden and Heinrich von Werl, belonged to the three best known German preachers of the thirties of the fifteenth century.

The “Sermones Dormi secure” is a command to calm the preacher who can keep his sermons on Sundays and holidays (de tempore et de sanctis) without his having so stay up all night composing your own texts. Compiled by a Franciscan friar, this collection of 71 sermons was intended to provide sample texts for those preachers who could not create their own. The nickname of the collection, “dormi secure” (“sleep soundly”), may have implied jokingly that its users were too ignorant or lazy to compose new sermons on short deadlines.

Although it was a highly successful book, appearing in dozens of editions, Martin Luther dismissed it as :

   “donkey dung, introduced by the devil.”

(oh Luther)

This practical preaching document was particularly popular and was printed between 1476 and 1500 in more than 30 editions in Germany, France, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Numerous other editions were held until the 17th century.

ad1) De tempore: Goff J468; HC 15977; Walsh 759; Pr 2120; BMC II

ad2)De sanctis: Goff J470; HC 15979 Walsh 736; Pr 2087; BMC

(Goff and ISTC showing only two copies in the US :Harvard & St Bonaventure Univ)

 

 

10)   942G     Michæl (Michaelis Mediolanensis) Carcano         ( 1427- 1484)
Sermonarium de poenitentia per adventum et per quadragesimam fratris Michaelis Mediolanensis.

Venice : Georgius Arrivabenus, 28 Sept. 1496                                     $9,000

Folio a-z8 [et]8 [con]8 [rum]8 A-E8 F10.   This copy is bound in bind-tooled pigskin over wooden boards,        Carcano was one of the great Franciscan preachers of the 15th-century, In his book there are 92 sermons for Advent and Lent, that amount to a systematic treatment of penitence. Carcano’s preaching was much admired by Bernardino da Feltre, who called him ‘alter sanctus apostolus Paulus et Christi Tuba’.

Quadragesimale seu sermonarium de penitentia duplicatum per aduentu[m] videlicet & quadragesima[m] a venerabili viro fratre Michaele Mediolanensi ordinis fratrum minorum de obseruantia editum: qui tum sanctimonia vite, tu[m] ferue[n]tissima verbi dei p[re]dicatione a deo inumeris meruit corruscare miraculis felici numine explicitum est. Impressu[m] Venetijs optimaq[ue] castigatione eme[n]datu[m]: per Georgiu[m] de Arriuabenis Ma[n]tuanum. Anno d[omi]ni .M.cccclxxxxvj. die .xxviij. Septembris./

 

Goff C197; H 4507*;; Walsh 2140; BMC V 386   (HEHL,Harv CL,LC,St Bonaventure Univ ,Univ. of Kentucky,   Univ. of Minnesota)

“Truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing”

 

11)         930G Thomas Aquinas 1225-1274. editor Theodoricus de Susteren.

Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris s[an]cti Thome Aquinatis. que olim … me[n]dis scatebat. Nouissime iam per … magistru[m] nostru[m] Theodericum de Susteren co[n]uentus Coloniens[is] fratru[m] predicatoru[m] regentem … laboriose reuisa … feliciter incipit.

 

Cologne : Heinrich Quentell, 7 Mar. 1499                                        $12,500

Folio 10 1/2 X 8 inches 2°: A-Z6,Aa-Gg6; {signature Dd signed De}   Third Edition, the final 15th century edition.

Bound in blind-tooled calf including some blind ’title’ on the front board, full calf over wooden boards. Clasps missing, but the catch-plates are present. Light foxing, with some red and green ink dots along edges. Front pastedown shows slight signs of water damage. Occasional small red stains on text block (e.g. E3v and Q5), likely from the books’ rubricator, but otherwise a clean text block.

“Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris sancti Thome Aquinatis…”First written around 1256, Thomas Aquinas’ “Disputed Questions on Truth” defends “the view that truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing. Aquinas develops a notion of truth of being (“ontological truth”) along with truth of the intellect (what might be called “logical truth”)” (Wippel, 295)   Subjects: Truth; God’s Knowledge; Ideas; The Divine Word; Providence; Predestination; The Book of Life; The Knowledge of Angels; Communication of Angelic Knowledge; The Mind; The Teacher; Prophecy; Rapture; Faith; Higher and Lower Reason; Synderesis; Conscience; The Knowledge of the First Man in the State of Innocence; Knowledge of the Soul After Death; The Knowledge of Christ; Good; The Tendency to Good and the Will; God’s Will; Free Choice; Sensuality; The Passions of the Soul; Grace; The Justification of Sinners; and The Grace of Christ. For each topic, Aquinas reviews the topic’s Difficulties, and then responses with ‘To the Contrary’ and ‘Reply’. Aquinas concludes each topic with an “Answers to Difficulties” section, demonstrating his typical insightful worldview and readable literary style.“Everything is a being essentially. But a creature is good not essentially but by participation. Good, therefore, really adds something to being (“Good” [U1v])

translation from   http://dhspriory.org/thomas/QDdeVer21.htm).

Goff T181; (Columbia University, Union Theological Seminary;HEHL; LC ;Massachusetts Historical Society;YUL); BMC I, 289/90; Only one Copy in The British Isles (BL)

Impressa Agrippine. opera atq[ue] impe[n]sis p[ro]uidi viri Henrici Quentell. ciuis eiusdem. Anno salutis humane nonagesimonono supra millesimumquadringentesimu[m] Ipso die celebritatis autoris cursu felici ad finem vsq[ue] perducta.

723G Raymond, of Sabunde, . d 1436

Theologia naturalis sive Liber creatura[rum] specialiter de homine [et] de natura eius in qua[n]tum homo. :[et] de his qu[a] sunt ei necessaria ad cognoscendu[m] seip[su]m [et] Deu[m] [et] om[n]e debitu[m] ad q[uo]d ho[mo] tenet[ur] et obligatur tam Deo q[uam] p[ro]ximo.

Impressus Nurembergae : Per Anthoniu[m] koberger [sic] inibi co[n]cluem,1502 $7,800

Folio, 11X 8 inches . This is about the fifth printed edition. A-Q8 R6 In this copy there are contemporary manuscript initials added in red and blue, There is a gilt initial at the beginning of the prologue tooled in the gold leaf into a gesso ground. It is bound in full contemporary Nuremberg blind-tooled brown sheepskin over wooden boards,lacking clasps,

titled is blind stamped on front board with contemporary paper label; There are several inscriptions on title, including reference to the Prologue’s inclusion on the Index Prohibitorum;(1589)there are the usual stains, browning and internal wear, some marginal rodent damage, the binding has been rebacked,it is a good solid copy .

Sabunde was Born at Barcelona, Spain, towards the end of the fourteenth century; died 1432. From 1430 to his death he taught theology, philosophy, and medicine at the University of Toulouse. Apparently, he wrote several works on theology and philosophy, only one of which remains, “Theologia Naturalis”. It was first written in Spanish then translated into Latin.

This text marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scripture and reason.

The Catholic Encyclopedia sees this as “It represents a phase of decadent Scholasticism, and is a defense of a point of view which is subversive of the fundamental principle of the Scholastic method. The

Schoolmen of the thirteenth century, while holding that there can be no contradiction between theology and philosophy, maintain that the two sciences are distinct. Raymond breaks down the distinction by teaching a kind of theosophy, the doctrine, namely that, as man is a connecting link between the natural and the supernatural, it is possible by a study of human nature to arrive at a knowledge even of the most profound mysteries of Faith. The tendency of his thought is similar to that of the rationalistic theosophy of Raymond Lully….Moreover, in Spain scholastics, in combating Islam, borrowed the weapons of their erudite antagonists. Close internal resemblance indicates that Raimund de Sabunde was preceded in method and object by Raymund Lully.” CE

What is new and epoch-making is not the material but the method; not of circumscribing religion within the limits of reason, but, by logical collation, of elevating the same upon the basis of natural truth to a science accessible and convincing to all. He recognizes two sources of

 

knowledge, the book of nature and the Bible. The first is universal and direct, the other serves partly to instruct man the better to understand nature, and partly to reveal new truths, not accessible to the natural understanding, but once revealed by God made apprehensible by natural reason. The book of nature, the contents of which are manifested through sense experience and self-consciousness, can no more be falsified than the Bible and may serve as an exhaustive source of knowledge; but through the fall of man it was rendered obscure, so that it became incapable of guiding to the real wisdom of salvation. However, the Bible as well as illumination from above, not in conflict with nature, enables one to reach the correct explanation and application of natural things and self. Hence, his book of nature as a human supplement to the divine Word is to be the basic knowledge of man, because it subtends the doctrines of Scripture with the immovable foundations of self-knowledge, and therefore plants the revealed truths upon the rational ground of universal human perception, internal and external.

The first part presents analytically the facts of nature in ascending scale to man,the climax; the second, the harmonization of these with Christian doctrine and their fulfillment in the same. Nature in its. four stages of mere being, mere life, sensible consciousness, and self- consciousness, is crowned by man, who is not only the microcosm but the image of God. Nature points toward a supernatural creator possessing in himself in perfection all properties of the things created out of nothing (the cornerstone of natural theology ever after). Foremost is the ontological argument of Ansehn, followed by the physico-theological, psychological, and moral. He demonstrates the Trinity by analogy from rational grounds, and finally ascribes to man in view of his conscious elevation over things a spontaneous gratitude to God. Love is transformed into the object of its affection; and love to God brings man, and with him the universe estranged by sin, into harmony and unity with him. In this he betrays his mystical antecedents. Proceeding in the second part from this general postulation to its results for positive Christianity, he finds justified by reason all the historic facts of revealed religion, such as the person and works of Christ, as well as the infallibility of the Church and the Scriptures; and

the necessity by rational proof of all the sacraments and practices of the Church and of the pope. It should be added that Raimund’s analysis of nature and self-knowledge is not thoroughgoing and his application is far from consistent. He does not transplant himself to the standpoint of the unbeliever, but rather executes an apology on the part of a consciousness already Christian, thus assuming conclusions in advance that should grow only out of his premises.

Yet his is a long step from the barren speculation of scholasticism, and marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scripture and reason.

 

Kircher and The first published illustration of a magic lantern.

This part one of a group of blogs on Kircher’s  Ars magna lucis et umbrae this books covers such a broad scope I’ve picked a few subjects to focus on and today Will be the Macic Latern  “De Lucerna[e] Magicae”

720G Athanasius Kircher 1602-1680

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Athanasi Kircheri Fuldensis Buchonii è Soc. Jesu presbyteri ars magna lucis et umbræ, in X. libros digesta. Quibus admirandæ lucis & umbræ in mundo, atque adeò universa natura, vires effectusque uti nova, ita varia novorum reconditiorumque speciminum exhibitione, ad varios mortalium usus, panduntur. Editio altera priori multò auctior.

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Amstelodami,  Joannem Janssonium à Waesberge, & hæredes Elizæi Weyerstraet. 1671 .

$15,000

Folio *4, **4, ***6, (*)2, A-Xxxx4 Second Enlarged edition. This copy is bound in contemporary calf with nicely gilt spine.

 

DSC_0001Kircher’s Major Scientific Work and his Principal Contribution to Optics”In Ars magna lucis et umbrae Kircher discusses the sources of light and shadow. The work deals especially with the sun, moon, stars and planets. Kircher also treats phenomena related to light, such as optical illusions, color and refraction, projection and distortion, comets, eclipses, and instruments that use light, such as sundials and mirrors. He theorizes about the type of mirror supposed to have been used by Archimedes to set Roman ships afire, drawing from notes of his own experiments performed in the harbor of Syracuse. The work includes one of the first treatises on phosphorous and fireflies. Here Kircher also published his depictions of Saturn and Jupiter as he saw them through a telescope in Bologna in 1643. On that occasion he observed that the planets were neither perfectly round nor self-luminous, contrary to the popular Aristotelian belief that they are perfect, unchanging spheres.”Kircher takes a great interest in sundials and mirrors in this book, and several interesting engravings are of fanciful sundials. He had written extensively on these subjects on his previous work, the Primitiae gnomonicae catoptricae. In Ars magna lucis et umbrae Kircher also discusses an odd ancestor of the modern projector: a device called the ‘magic lantern,’ of which he is generally, though erroneously, considered the inventor. “Before writing this work, Kircher had read Kepler’s Ad vitellionem paralipomena (1604), the first modern work on optics and was influenced to some extent by it. The Ars magna lucis et umbrae reveals Kircher’s contribution as an astute observer and cataloguer of natural phenomena” (Merrill)

Kircher and the Magic Lantern

Invented by Huygens in 1656, the magic lantern was the precursor of both the slide machine and the motion-picture projector. It was disseminated with great success to the public throughout the 1660s by the entrepreneurial Thomas Rasmussen Walgenstein who was also the one who had christened Huygens’ device the “magic lantern”. Impressed by the magical device’s growing popularity, Kircher includes the first illustrated description of the magic lantern, “De Lucerna[e] Magicae seu Thaumaturgae Constructione”, on page 768 of his second edition of Ars magna lucis et umbrae published in Amsterdam in 1671. (Devices of Wonder, p. 297).

Prominent Dutch scientist Christiaan Huygens, is nowadays widely accepted as the true inventor of the magic lantern. He knew Athanasius Kircher’s 1646 edition of Ars Magna Lucis et Umbrae which described a primitive projection system with a focusing lens and text or pictures painted on a concave mirror reflecting sunlight. Christiaan’s father Constantijn had been acquainted with Cornelis Drebbel who used some unidentified optical techniques to transform himself and summon wonderful appearances in magical performances. Constantijn Huygens wrote very enthusiastically about a camera obscura device that he got from Drebbel in 1622.
Probably the oldest document concerning the magic lantern is a page on which Christiaan 1659_huygens_-_figure1Huygens made ten small sketches of a skeleton taking off its skull, above which he wrote “for representations by means of convex glasses with the lamp” (translated from French). As this page was found between documents dated in 1659, it is believed to also have been made in 1659.
Huygens probably only constructed the lantern to amuse young family members and soon seemed to regret it, as he thought it was too frivolous. In a 1662 letter to his brother Lodewijk he claimed he thought of it as some old “bagatelle” and seemed convinced that it would harm the family’s reputation if people found out the lantern came from him. Christiaan had reluctantly sent a lantern to their father, but when he realized that Constantijn intended to show the lantern to the court of King Louis XIV of France at the Louvre, Christiaan asked Lodewijk to sabotage the lantern.
Huygens’ 1694 laterna magica sketch, showing: “speculum cavum (hollow mirror). lucerna (lamp). lens vitrea (glass lens). pictura pellucida (transparent picture). lens altera (other lens). paries (wall).” Christiaan initially referred to the magic lantern as “la lampe” and “la lanterne”, but in the last years of his life he used the then common term “laterna magica” in some notes. In 1694 he drew the principle of a “laterna magica” with two lenses.
Walgensten’s magic lantern as illustrated in Dechales Cursus seu mundus mathematicus (1674)  Thomas Rasmussen Walgensten, a Danish mathematician, studied at the university of Leyden in 1657-58 and was acquainted with Christiaan Huygens. It is unclear if one was inspired by the other or if they even may have collaborated on the development of the magic lantern. At least from 1664 until 1670 Walgensten was giving magic lantern shows in Paris, Lyon, Rome and Copenhagen, and he “sold such lanterns to different Italian princes in such an amount that they now are almost everyday items in Rome” according to Athanasius Kircher in 1671. When Walgensten projected an image of Death at the court of King Frederick III of Denmark some courtiers were scared, but the king dismissed their cowardice and requested to repeat the figure three times. The king died a few days later.

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One of Christiaan Huygens’ contacts imagined in how Athanasius Kircher would use the magic lantern: “If he would know about the invention of the Lantern he would surely frighten the cardinals with specters.”   Athanasius Kircher would learn about the existence of the magic lantern via Thomas Walgensten and introduced it as “Lucerna Magica” in the widespread 1671 second edition of this book Ars Magna Lucis et Umbrae. Kircher claimed that Thomas Walgensten reworked his ideas from the previous edition of this book into a better lantern.

Kircher described this improved lantern, but it was illustrated in a confusing manner:

dsc_0092 the pictures seem technically incorrect with both the projected image and the transparencies  shown upright (while the text states that they should be drawn in an inverted position), the hollow mirror is too high in one picture and absent in the other, and the lens (I) seems to be placed at the wrong side of the slide. Experiments with a construction as illustrated in Kircher’s book proved that it could work as a point light-source projection system. The projected image in one of the illustrations shows a person in purgatory or hellfire and the other depicts Death with a scythe and an hourglass.

dsc_0080-2According to legend Kircher secretly used the lantern at night to project the image of Death on windows of apostates to scare them back into church. Kircher did suggest in his book that an audience would be more astonished by the sudden appearance of images if the lantern would be hidden in a separate room, so the audience would be ignorant of the cause of their appearance.
The earliest reports and illustrations of lantern projections suggest that they were all intended to scare the audience. French engineer Pierre Petit, who saw a show by Walgensten, called the apparatus “lanterne de peur” (lantern of fear) in a 1664 letter to Huygens. Surviving lantern plates and descriptions from the next decades prove that the new medium was not just used for horror shows, but that all kinds of subjects were projected.

De Backer Sommervogel IV, col. 1050, no.9 ; Ferguson I.466; Vagnetti EIIIb42; this edition not in Merrill or Becker; Barbara Maria Stafford & Frances Terpak, Devices of Wonder, (Getty, 2001); Linda Hall Library, Jesuit Science, 10; Kemp, Science of Art, pp. 191 (camera obscura); Harvey, Luminescence, pp. 103ff; Wheeler 169 (1671 ed.).; Caillet 5770

The History of the Low-Countrey Warres

911G       Famianus Strada   1572-1649

De Bello Belgico. The History of the Low-Countrey Warres     

London: for Humphrey Moseley, 1650    $1,750

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Folio. 11 1/2 X 7 1/2 inches. A-T, Aa-Kk , Ll , Aaa-Ggg , 1 leaf unsigned, Aaaa-Cccc , a , B-L (L , advertisement). . In ten books, followed by a 42pp Alphabeticall Table of the most remarkable Passages and Sentences and final ad. leaf. First english edition This copy is bound in original full calf, with a bookplste from Holy Cross College Library (released)

DSC_0014             Famiano Strada was an Italian Jesuit historian who wrote “De Bello Belgico” in Latin in 1602, although it was not published until 1632. Playwright Sir Robert Stapylton (1607-1669) translated it into English.an account of the 16th-century revolt of the Netherlands against the rule of Philip II of Spain. Stapylton translated Strada’s marginal notes, adapting them to English readership. It forms a history of the Dutch Revolt, a conflict that began in the 1560s and continued until 1648, and saw the largely Protestant Low Countries challenge the dominance of the Roman Catholic Kingdom of Spain. De Bello Belgico decades duae, 1555-1590 was written with the help of Alexander Farnese (1545-1592), around 1602 . It was published in 1632 and translated into Dutch in 1646

 

Wing S577; DeBacker-Sommervogel vol. VII col. 1612 no.5

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“Long before the bloudshed of this year 1566some of the Nobilitie of the Low-countreys,* in particular some young Lords (none of which I can readily name, but onely Lewis of Nassau, brother to the Prince of O∣range) sojourning for a long time at Geneva, and such like Towns, were ea∣sily intrapped by the Hereticks. For they had onely been so far instructed in Religion, as might serve to keep them Catholicks at home; but not a∣broad to teach them, if they should be circumvented, how to distinguish truth from falsehood; and truly no man ought to come near infected per∣sons, without a Preservative about him. These young Noblemen there∣fore having been new-catec•••ed by Hereticks,* when they returned to their Countrey, often spake in commendation of forrein Religions, and libertie of conscience: and found the people intentive and inquisitive after new Do∣ctrines. Nor did many of the Merchants wish a greater happiness,* then this Liberty: for themselves were inveigled with the like strange opinions, and consequently would have no one for Religion to be barred free Traffick. These joyning their Counsels, plotted,* for which they had divers examples, by degrees to shake from the shoulders of their Countrey, the yoke of the Catholick Faith, that would not suffer any other doctrine to predominate within their Cities. This designe,* I collect, was laid in the year 1559, when King Philip, resolving to return to Spain, commanded that his Fathers and his own Edicts (which during the Wars could not) should now be strictly observed. Which happening in that conjunction of time, when the Prince of Orange advised the Low-countrey men,* to petition for disbanding the Spanish souldiers, lest by their means the Spanish Inquisition should forcibly have been imposed upon them (as he himself hath left recorded in his Apology) I do not think it improbable,* that the Prince of Orange might be privie to matters then in agitation: Yet I believe not, that upon the first conference….”

 

 

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