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A discussion of interesting books from my current stock A WordPress.com site

Month

July 2017

angelis bonis et malis…Good and Bad Angels

936G      Bartholomaeus  Sibylla   active approximately 1434-1493

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Speculum peregrinarum questionum eruditissimi viri Bartholomei Sibille Monopolitani ordinis predicatorum, sacre theologie professoris : tres decades complectens in quibus varie questiones de animabus rationalibus in coniuncto, [et] separatis, deq[ue] angelis bonis [et] malis, multisq[ue] alijs scitu dignissimis, [et] ad ipsas responsiones ponuntur : ex vastis [et] viuacissimis theologorum, iurispontificu[m], philosophorum ac astrologorum, campis [et] floribus excerptum : quod studiosis quibuscunq[ue], [et] animarum curam agentibus, no[n] minus vtile, q[uaeq][ue] necessariu[m] est.

Venundantur Lugd. : Apud Scipionem de Gabiano in vico Mercuriali sub signo fontis.,1534          $ SOLD

Octavo  6 ¼ X 4 inches. A8(A8 blank and present) a-r8 s10 )(lacking s10 blank)                    This is bound in modern full vellum, a the text is clean throughout a nice copy.           DSC_0281       Bartholomew Sibylla (†1493) studied at Bologna and Ferrara. He became the Prior of the Dominican convent in Monopoli near Bari. The Speculum peregrinarum is Bartholomew’s major writing. The text is ordered mystically into three parts, or “decades,” of ten chapters each. The first decade contains questions concerning the origin and immortality of the human soul, hell, limbo, purgatory, the Elysian fields, paradise, the beatitudes, etc.; the second decade contains questions concerning the good angels, their esse et essentia, knowledge, powers and attributes; the third decade treats likewise the powers, etc., of evil angels. In form and substance, this work unites a rather Joachimite rhetorical disposition with popular devotion concerning the last things and Scholastic questions. The third decade is on demonology, astrology, divination, and ghosts. Sibylla also discusses herbs, charms and written words as symbols, and authors he cites are Hermes Trismegistus, Apuleius, Ptolemy, Seneca and Aulus Gellius. In his prefatory dedication to Alfonso of Aragon, he makes particular reference to the magnificent library of Alfonso’s father, Ferdinand.   (The Devil’s Tabernacle: The Pagan Oracles in Early Modern Thought Anthony Ossa-Richardson Princeton University Press, 2013)

 

This work is quoted quite early in english literature as well:

“ Thus far the Arrogonian named Bartholomew Sibylla a Monopolitane, who writ upon this question being at Wittenberg, at the request of him that did set forth the Dutch coppy shews himself to be a good philosopher and no worse divine. But mark what follows, this is written according to men in faith: the Devil was out of the first streete of Coany when he was past this last period. For that Pythagorical opinion; if that were, this absurdity would follow: (I will speak plainly the rather to fit thy capacity) and if the soul should pass out of the dead into the living, then should mortality be the cause of the souls immortality, (this is prettily spoken) and by that means make it corruptible, which cannot be. And seest thou Wagner? for I will teach thee by demonstrations, and therewith he took a coal of fire and held it to him so long that it came to be but a coal: now thou seest Wagner, that so long as fire was in this subject it had life, but the quality being removed from the quantity, neither is the quality found or seen or known whither it vanisheth, nor can the same fire, though fire, return into another body or subject, albeit the quantity remaineth”. “Historie of the damnable life, and deserved death of Doctor John Faustus 1592 (STC (2nd ed.), 10711)

 

Adams S1057; Baudrier, H.L. Bib. lyonnaise,; vol. 7, p. 178; Brunet,; vol. 5, column 369; Grässe,;vol. 6, p. 397; BM STC French, 1470-1600,; p. 400

Incunabula

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OK so by clicking on the following links, you SHOULD get the index to my most recent Fascicule :

# VIII F VIII index and then  the complete catalogue Fascicule no 8INIf that doesn’t work please find below the text:

 

945G       Eusebius 1473 :Goff E119; BMC I 194.     (Boston Public Library, Indiana Univ)

723G       Bonaventura 1476 :Goff   B959 BMC II 434.

957G       Mediavilla 1476-7 Goff M 424 BMC V 206. (St Louis Univ., Pius XII Memorial      Library ()  &     YUL (–) i.e. both defective)

946G       Bonaventura 1477 :Goff B858; BMC XII 16; Walsh 1701

951G         Vincentius 1481 :Goff V277 BMC III 746.

836G       Blanchellus 1483 Goff B693;BMC HR 3228. (HEHL only!)

776G         Hilarius   1489 :Goff H269; BMC VI 777.     ( Yale U , Villanova )  

907G       Johannes de Verde 1498 & 1494 Goff J468 & J470. (Harvard & St Bonaventure Univ)

942G       Carcano 1496 :Goff C197; H 4507*; BMC V 386. (HEHL,Harv,CL,LC,St Bonaventure, Univ of Kentucky, Univ. of Minn)                            

922 G      Bernardinus deBusti, 1498 &1498 : Goff B1336;BMC V 387.

930G     Thomas Aquinas 1499 : Goff T181. (Columbia, Union Theological;HEHL Mass. Historical;YUL)

723G       Raymond, of Sabunde 1502. Adams S-36; VD 16, R 174.

756G       Diodorus 1505-1508; Goff D214. GW VII Sp.431a (HarvCL, N.L.M. ,Williams,YUL)

 

Fascicule no 8IN

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1)   945G           Eusebius of Caesarea                  c. 260-c. 340

Eusebius Pa[m]phili de eua[n]gelica preparac[i]o[n]e ex greco in latinu[m] translatus Incipit feliciter.         

[ Cologne, Ulrich Zel, not after 1473]                          $14,000

Folio     10 ¾ x 7 ¾ inches.       [a]12, [b-o]10, [p]8           One of the earliest editions, (editio princeps : Venice 1470) This copy is bound in a modern binding of half vellum with corners, flat spine (spine renewed, boards slightly rubbed, inside joints split).

This copy contains the fifteen books of the “Praeparatio evangelica,” whose purpose is “to justify the Christian in rejecting the religion and philosphy of the Greeks in favor of that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not observing the Jewish manner of life […] The following summary of its contents is taken from Mr. Gifford’s introduction to his translation of the “Praeparitio:

“The first three books discuss the threefold system of Pagan Theology: Mythical, Allegorical, and Political. The next three, IV-VI, give an account of the chief oracles, of the worship of demons, and of the various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doctrines of Fate and Free Will. Books VII-IX give reasons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the excellency of their Scriptures and the truth of their history. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the Greeks had borrowed from the older theology and philosphy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the supposed dependence of Plato upon Moses. In the the last three books, the comparson of Moses with Plato is continued, and the mutual contradictions of other Greek Philosphers, especially the Peripatetics and Stoics, are exposed and criticized.”

The “Praeparitio” is a gigantic feat of erudition, and, according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120), was, like many of Eusebius’ other works, actually composed during the stress of the persecution. It ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to the Church History in importance, because of its copious extracts from ancient authors, whose works have perished.” (CE)

It is also very interesting because of its numerous lively fragments from historians and philosophers which are nowhere else preserved, e.g. a summary of the writings of the Phoenician priest Sanchuniathon, or the account from Diodorus Siculus’ sixth book of Euhemerus’ wondrous voyage to the island of Panchaea, and writings of the neo-Platonist philosopher Atticus. Eusebius (c. 263-339), Greek historian and exegete, Christian polemicist and scholar Biblical canon, became bishop of Cesarea in 314 and is considered as the father of Church History as his writings are very important for the first three centuries of the Christianity.

Goff E119; BMC I 194

(United States of America: Boston Public Library
Indiana Univ., The Lilly Library (- 2 ff.)
YUL)
;

 

2)       723G  Bonaventura, Saint. (i.e. Conrad of Saxony)

Speculum Beatae Mariae Virginis.


[Augsburg]: Anton Sorg, 29 Feb. 1476                              $9,800

Folio, 11 1/4 X 8 inches . First edition

50 leaves a-e10   This copy is bound in full modern vellum.

First edition This copy is bound in full modern vellum, it is a very Large copy.

No longer attributed to Bonaventura, attributed to Conrad of Saxony whose the Date and place of birth are uncertain. Holyinger is perhaps his family name. The error has been made by some of confounding Conrad of Saxony with another person of the same name who suffered for the Faith in 1284, whereas it is certain that they were two distinct individuals, though belonging to the same province of the order in Germany. Our Conrad became provincial minister of the province of Saxony in 1245, and for sixteen years ruled the province with much zeal and prudence. While on his way to the general chapter of 1279, he was attacked with a grievous illness and died at Bologna in 1279. The writings of Conrad of Saxony include several sermons and now the “Speculum Beatæ Mariæ Virginis”; the latter, at times erroneously attributed to St. Bonaventure, was edited by the Friars Minor at Quaracchi in 1904. The preface to this excellent edition of the “Speculum” contains a brief sketch of the life of Conrad of Saxony and a critical estimate of his other writings. _ This is one of Anton Sorg’s early works and the second edition of this work at his press; the first one being from 29 II 1476 (Hain 3566; GKW 04817).

 

There is not much known about Sorg. He was an apprentice in the printing shop of the monastery of Saint Ulrich and Afra in 1472 and later its director. In 1475 he left the monastery and started his own press in Augsburg. That city was then particularly famed for the craftsmen who produced woodcuts for block-books. In that city book illustration as an art first flourished and Sorg played an important part in that development. Sorg was active in Augsburg between 1475 and 1493. And very active, he was one of the most prolific of the early printers: the GW mentions altogether 242 works. He had close professional ties to other printers, especially the Bämmler and Schönsperger offices, who often used the same illustrations. His most famous edition was the 1477-German Bible.

A peculiarity of Sorg’s press was the use of outlined woodcut initials (after the examples of the medieval manuscript). Often a large outlined initial was inserted at the start of a chapter and within each chapter smaller woodcut initials headed each division. Both large and small initials. Sorg’s use of printed outlines of the letters to be illuminated was not a common practice.

 

In this work there is on the first leaf a splendid 10-line decorative Maiblumen initial Q and furthermore there are 16 3- or 4-line initials (8x A; 4x D; 4x B). Curiously, on leaf 38v there is only an initial space. On Sorg see: Albert Schramm – Der Bilderschmuck der Frühdrucke. Vol. 4: Die Drucke von Anton Sorg in Augsburg (Hiersemann, 1921).

Goff B959 BMC II 434

3) 957G            Richard Mediavilla [Middleton],   d. 1302/3

         Commentum super quartem  Sententarium.

Venice: Christophorus Arnoldus, [circa 1476-7]        $22,000

 

Folio 12 ¼ 9 ¼ inches. a-z10 [et]10 [cum]10 [per]10 A 10 B-D8 (D8v blank and aa1r blank)  aa8 bb10 cc8 {320 leaves complete}

 

Second edition.   This copy is rubricated throughout with nicely complicated red initials. It is bound in an age appropriate binding of full calf over wooden boards wit clasps and catches with quite impressive end bands.DSC_0285

“Middleton, Richard of [Richard de Mediavilla] Franciscan friar, theologian, and philosopher, was born about the middle of the thirteenth century in either England or France. He studied at Paris, where he formed part of the so-called neo-Augustinian movement, defending the philosophy and theology of Augustine against the inroads of Aristotelianism, during the years 1276–87. He probably studied under William of Ware and Matteo d’Acquasparta, usually viewed as principal figures in this movement.
Middleton’s Commentary on Peter Lombard’s ‘Sentences’ was probably begun in 1281 and was completed in 1284, when he became regent master of the Franciscan school in Paris, a post he held until 1287. The chief characteristic of his Commentary is its sober assessment of many of the positions of Thomas Aquinas. However, the tone of his eighty Quodlibet Questions, produced during his regency, is much more critical and on many issues shows a strong anti-Thomist reaction. In this they have more in common with his disputed questions, which were argued after the condemnations of 1277 but before his Sentences commentary. The latter commentary has been edited along with his Quodlibet Questions. A small number of his disputed questions have also been edited, as have six of his sermons.

DSC_0282Middleton’s link to the neo-Augustinian movement is seen especially in his treatment of the will, even though he does not entirely follow his teachers, Ware and Acquasparta. For Middleton the will is much more noble than the intellect, since it is much more noble to love God than to understand him. Understanding without the corresponding love separates man from God. However, the key to the will’s nobility is its freedom. The intellect is forced by evidence when evidence is given; the will also is forced by its nature to seek the good, but it is free in choosing the means to its predetermined goal. Even if the intellect were prudent enough to show man the best means to his goal, he would not be forced to adopt them. ‘For although the intellect, like a servant with a lamp, points out the way, the will, like the master, makes the decisions and can go in any direction it pleases’ (Stegmüller, 722).

The superiority of the human will over the intellect further manifests itself in Middleton’s conception of the nature of theology. Certainly, the study of the scriptures attempts to clarify human knowledge of both creator and creatures; principally, however, it aims to stimulate man’s affections. Middleton believes that scripture prescribes laws, forbids, threatens, attracts man through promises, and shows him models of behaviour that he should follow or avoid. The study of scripture perfects the soul, moving it toward the good through fear and love. It is more of a practical science than a speculative endeavour. A theology that is speculative is one that models itself on the theology of the metaphysician or philosopher and tends to reduce Christian faith to reason.

The influence of Aquinas is more in evidence in Middleton’s theory of knowledge. Middleton rejects the illumination theory of Bonaventure and his more loyal followers. Man’s intellectual knowledge can be explained, he argues, by the abstraction performed by the agent intellect from the singulars experienced by the human senses. In short, human individuals know, and they know by means of their own intellectual efforts, not by some special divine illumination. Unlike those who endorse the illumination theory, Middleton contends that there is no direct knowledge of spiritual beings, including God. God is not the first thing known. He can be known only by starting with creatures and by reasoning about their origins or final end. Middleton died in Rheims on 30 March 1302 or 1303.” [Oxford DNB]

Goff M-424; BMC V 206.

(The ISTC shows two US copies…St Louis Univ., Pius XII Memorial Library () & YUL – i.e. both defective)

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4)   946G        Bonaventura (fromerly attributed to)             but Nicolaus de Hanapis (1225-1291)

 

Exempla Sacrae Scriptae ex utroque Testamento collecta. (Biblia pauperum;) Virtutum vitiorumque exempla

 

Imp[re]ssioniq[ue] Venetijs deditu[m] : Impe[n]sis Iohannis de Colonia socijq[ue] ei[us] Ioha[n]nis Manthen de Gherretzem, before 1477 (The Paris BN copy was bought at Avignon on 14 August 1477)                       $7,500

 

Folio a-e8, f6, g;a-b8, c6, d8

 

Title from incipit of Breviloquium (leaf [1st]a2r)./ Includes “Biblia Pauperum” attributed to St. Bonaventure, which is a shortened version of a text by Nicolas de Hannapes, Virtutum vitiorumque exempla, more generally called “Exempla sacrae Scripturae”. Cf. Gutenberg Jahrbuch 1936, p. 61-62./ Each work has separate signatures./ Imprint from colophon (leaf The Biblia pauperum (leaves 2a1-2d8) is now usually attributed to Nicolas de Hannapes. Cf. BM 15th cent., GW./ Imprint from colophon./ Signatures: a-c8 f6 g8 2a-2b8 2c6 2d8./ } Bound in Back carton, brown calf case of the with elegant decoration imprinted in gold, with title and date of the work on the front plate. Ancient note of possession to a final glance.

This is the second part only this tract   consists of one of several versions of a text going back to the Virtutum vitiorumque exempla of Nicolaus Hanapus, and generally entitled Exempla sacrae scripturae. The title ‘Biblia pauperum’ and the ascription to St. Bonaventure are both incorrect”. (V. Scholderer in Gb Jb 1936 pp.61-62, reprinted in Fifty Essays (Amsterdam, 1966) pp.140-41: Version E)
Rather than a ‘Pauper’s Bible’ this book is in actuality a “religious exempla” (cautionary stories used to aid preaching). The book presents thousands of examples drawn exclusively from the Bible that enable preachers to illustrate their teaching on virtues and vices and to help the faithful to behave Christianly in public and private life, The moment of death. It was printed for the first time in Venice in 1477 and attributed to St. Bonaventure . It is frequently reissued under various titles. For example, Summa virtutum and viciorum (Cologne 1544, and Paris 1548), Virtutum vitiorumque exempla ex universo divinae scripture promptuario desumta , Flores biblici , Exempla biblica (Augsburg, 1726), or simply as the ‘Bible of the Poor’ , Probably because these narratives were easily understood, and because the publishers had arranged them in alphabetical order

Goff B858; BMC XII 16; Walsh 1701
(US copies :Folger , HEHL (var), HarvCL Indiana Univ., The Lilly Library (Biblia pauperum only)
LC, SMU, Newberry Library, Univ. of Illinois (-),Vassar College)

 

 

5)         951G       Bellovacensis Vincentius     1184-1264

Opuscula [Con: Liber gratiae] ; [Laudes Virginis Mariae] ; [De Sancto Iohanne evangelista] ; [De eruditione filiorum regalium] ; [Consolatio pro morte amici].

 

Basel : Johann Amerbach,,13 dec 1481              $11,000

Folio                π6;a10,b-c8,d-p10/8,q8; r-v10/8 x8;y10 A-b10/8 E-H8;I10,K-P8nbQ10. (338 leaves)
Witn numerous rubicated Inatials and capital strokes, thgis copy is bound in full blind tooled pigskin over wooden boards, lacking clasps but a nice catch!            The life of the Dominican friar Vincent of Beauvais, one of the greatest encyclopedists of the Middle Ages, is shrouded in mystery. His place of birth is unknown; his date of birth remains a matter of speculation, despite the fact that it has variously been listed as 1180 or 1190.
Beauvais’ De eruditione filiorum nobilium (“The education of noble children””
Consolatio pro morte amici is addressed to St. Louis on the death of one of his sons in 1260.                        Goff V277; Walsh 1156;BMC III 746;

 

Boston Public Library (- Liber gratiae),Columbia University,Cornell
Georgetown Univ
HEHL,Harv(M)L,HarvCL,LC,New York Public ,Ohio State ,PML
Univ. of DaytonUniv. of Illinois ,Univ. of Michigan,Univ. of Notre Dame, Univ. of Pennsylvania,WArtGL,YUL

 

6)   836G          Blanchellus, Menghus (Bianchelli, Mengo) 1440-1520

 

Super logicam Pauli Veneti expositio et quaestiones (Menghi Fauentini viri clarissimi in Pauli Veneti logicam commentum cu[m] questionibus quibusdam.)                

 

Impressu[m] Venetiis :[Per] Antoniu[m] [et] strata de Cremona.   1483               $ 18,000

 

Quarto a-t8 u6. This copy is bound in Quarter reverse calf over quarter sawn wooden boards

 

U.S: One copy only: The Huntington Library

 

Title from incipit on a2 recto./ Colophon reads: Me[n]ghi faue[n]tini viri clarissimii Pauli veneti logica[m] Co[m]e[n]tu[m] cu[m] q[uesti]onib[us] no[n]nullis feliciter finit. Impressu[m] Venetiis Su[m]ma cu[m] dilige[n]tia [per] Antoniu[m] & strata de Cremona. Anno ab i[n]carnat[i]o[n]e d[omin]ni. Mcccclxxxiii. vi calendas Septe[m]bris. Joha[n]ne mocenico iclito veneto[rum] duce./ Text printed in 2 columns; 46 lines. With initial spaces; without foliation and catchwords. Register at end
Rare philosophical treatise by the philosopher and physician M. Blanchellus (about 1440-1520), giving an explanation of the work of Paul of Venice, the important logician and realist of the Middle Ages.
Took part in a “disputation” with Pico della Mirandola in Florence

 

Goff B693; HR 3228; IBE 1072; IGI 1751; BSB-Ink B-545; GW 4406

 

 

7)   776G          Hilarius, Episcopus Pictaviensis (315-367/68)ed. Cribellus, Georgius,; fl. 1489. and     Saint Augustine

                  Libri Sancti Hilarii de Trinitate contra Arianos, contra Constantium hereticum, contra Auxentium et de synodis fidei catholicae contra Arianos. – Liber Aurelii Augustini de Trinitate. [Georgio Crivellio edente.]

 

Mediolani : per magistrum Leonardum Pachel 1489                                   $9,500

Folio 11½ X 8 inches A-I, AA, BB, a-k, in eights, except H, I, in sixes. The last leaf is blank.

First Edition This copy is bound in later quarter calf. There is light dampstain at top margin, few minor wormholes in the beginning, touching a few letters, some thumbing to lower outer corner of first few leaves, small old red ink note to last leaf. Without the final blank. Small bookplate of the former Redemptorist seminary St. Alphonsus in Esopus, NY. Early 19th cen.

This is the Editio princeps of Hilary of Poitiers’ major theological work, issued with St. Augustine’s work on the same subject. (first published befor 1474)
Saint Hilary devoted to writing some of the greatest theology on the Trinity, and was like his Master in being labeled a “disturber of the peace.” In a very troubled period in the Church, his holiness was lived out in both scholarship and controversy. He was bishop of Poitiers in France.   Raised a pagan, he was converted to Christianity when he met his God of nature in the Scriptures. His wife was still living when he was chosen, against his will, to be the bishop of Poitiers in France. He was soon taken up with battling what became the scourge of the fourth century, Arianism, which denied the divinity of Christ.

The heresy spread rapidly. St. Jerome said “The world groaned and marveled to find that it was Arian.” When Emperor Constantius ordered all the bishops of the West to sign a condemnation of Athanasius, the great defender of the faith in the East, Hilary refused and was banished from France to far off Phrygia (in modern-day Turkey). Eventually he was called the “Athanasius of the West.” While writing in exile, he was invited by some semi-Arians (hoping for reconciliation) to a council the emperor called to counteract the Council of Nicea. But Hilary predictably defended the Church, and when he sought public debate with the heretical bishop who had exiled him, the Arians, dreading the meeting and its outcome, pleaded with the emperor to send this troublemaker back home. Hilary was welcomed by his people.

His work on the Trinity is a scriptural confirmation of the philosophic doctrine of the divinity of Christ, and is of permanent value. It was not a mere restatement of traditional orthodoxy, but afresh and living utterance of his own experience and study. In the discussion of the co-essentiality of the Son, Hilary lays emphasis on the Scripture titles and affirmations, and especially on his birth from the Father, which he insists involves identity of essence. In the elaboration of the divine-human personality of Christ, he is more original and profound. The incarnation was a move went of the Logos towards humanity in order to lift humanity up to participation in the divine nature. It consisted in a self-emptying of himself, and the assumption of human nature. In this process lie lost none of his divine nature; and, even during the humiliation, he continued to reign everywhere in heaven and on earth. Christ assumed body, soul, and spirit, and passed through all stages of human growth, his body being really subject to pain and death. and living utterance of his own experience and study. In the discussion of the co-essentiality of the Son, Hilary lays emphasis on the Scripture titles and affirmations, and especially on his birth from the Father, which he insists involves identity of essence. In the elaboration of the divine-human personality of Christ, he is more original and profound. The incarnation was a move went of the Logos towards humanity in order to lift humanity up to participation in the divine nature. It consisted in a self-emptying of himself, and the assumption of human nature. In this process lie lost none of his divine nature; and, even during the humiliation, he continued to reign everywhere in heaven and on earth. Christ assumed body, soul, and spirit, and passed through all stages of human growth, his body being really subject to pain and

death. Redemption is the result of Christ’s voluntary substitution of himself, out of love, in our stead. Between the God-man and the believer there is a vital communion. As the Logos is in the Father, by reason of his divine birth, so we are in him, and become partakers of his nature, by regeneration and the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s Supper.

The christology of Hilary is full of fresh and inspiring thoughts, which deserve to be better known than they are.

 

Goff H269; BMC VI 777

( Yale U , Villanova Univ)

 

 

8 & 9)             907G          Johannes de Verde (d.1437)

                     Sermones Dormi secure vel dormi sine cura de t[em]p[or]e.
                                         [bound with]
Sermones Dormi secure de tempore et de sanctis.

Nuremberg : Anton Koberger, 12 Mar. 1498
Nuremberg : Anton Koberger,    5 Jan. 1494                                                 $12,000

Folio 11 X 8 inches A (-A1)-F8 G6 [bound with] a-e8 f6 g-k8 I10

The first works lacks title slug. The second work is complete. These two books are rubicated in red and blue throuout. It has a manuscript index on the verso of the final leaf. It is bound in blind stamped original calf over wooden boards ,nicely rebacked.  The two parts of the famous preaching collection of the Franciscan monk Johannes de Verdana , who, besides Johann von Minden and Heinrich von Werl, belonged to the three best known German preachers of the thirties of the fifteenth century.

The “Sermones Dormi secure” is a command to calm the preacher who can keep his sermons on Sundays and holidays (de tempore et de sanctis) without his having so stay up all night composing your own texts. Compiled by a Franciscan friar, this collection of 71 sermons was intended to provide sample texts for those preachers who could not create their own. The nickname of the collection, “dormi secure” (“sleep soundly”), may have implied jokingly that its users were too ignorant or lazy to compose new sermons on short deadlines.

Although it was a highly successful book, appearing in dozens of editions, Martin Luther dismissed it as :

   “donkey dung, introduced by the devil.”

(oh Luther)

This practical preaching document was particularly popular and was printed between 1476 and 1500 in more than 30 editions in Germany, France, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Numerous other editions were held until the 17th century.

ad1) De tempore: Goff J468; HC 15977; Walsh 759; Pr 2120; BMC II

ad2)De sanctis: Goff J470; HC 15979 Walsh 736; Pr 2087; BMC

(Goff and ISTC showing only two copies in the US :Harvard & St Bonaventure Univ)

 

 

10)   942G     Michæl (Michaelis Mediolanensis) Carcano         ( 1427- 1484)
Sermonarium de poenitentia per adventum et per quadragesimam fratris Michaelis Mediolanensis.

Venice : Georgius Arrivabenus, 28 Sept. 1496                                     $9,000

Folio a-z8 [et]8 [con]8 [rum]8 A-E8 F10.   This copy is bound in bind-tooled pigskin over wooden boards,        Carcano was one of the great Franciscan preachers of the 15th-century, In his book there are 92 sermons for Advent and Lent, that amount to a systematic treatment of penitence. Carcano’s preaching was much admired by Bernardino da Feltre, who called him ‘alter sanctus apostolus Paulus et Christi Tuba’.

Quadragesimale seu sermonarium de penitentia duplicatum per aduentu[m] videlicet & quadragesima[m] a venerabili viro fratre Michaele Mediolanensi ordinis fratrum minorum de obseruantia editum: qui tum sanctimonia vite, tu[m] ferue[n]tissima verbi dei p[re]dicatione a deo inumeris meruit corruscare miraculis felici numine explicitum est. Impressu[m] Venetijs optimaq[ue] castigatione eme[n]datu[m]: per Georgiu[m] de Arriuabenis Ma[n]tuanum. Anno d[omi]ni .M.cccclxxxxvj. die .xxviij. Septembris./

 

Goff C197; H 4507*;; Walsh 2140; BMC V 386   (HEHL,Harv CL,LC,St Bonaventure Univ ,Univ. of Kentucky,   Univ. of Minnesota)

“Truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing”

 

11)         930G Thomas Aquinas 1225-1274. editor Theodoricus de Susteren.

Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris s[an]cti Thome Aquinatis. que olim … me[n]dis scatebat. Nouissime iam per … magistru[m] nostru[m] Theodericum de Susteren co[n]uentus Coloniens[is] fratru[m] predicatoru[m] regentem … laboriose reuisa … feliciter incipit.

 

Cologne : Heinrich Quentell, 7 Mar. 1499                                        $12,500

Folio 10 1/2 X 8 inches 2°: A-Z6,Aa-Gg6; {signature Dd signed De}   Third Edition, the final 15th century edition.

Bound in blind-tooled calf including some blind ’title’ on the front board, full calf over wooden boards. Clasps missing, but the catch-plates are present. Light foxing, with some red and green ink dots along edges. Front pastedown shows slight signs of water damage. Occasional small red stains on text block (e.g. E3v and Q5), likely from the books’ rubricator, but otherwise a clean text block.

“Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris sancti Thome Aquinatis…”First written around 1256, Thomas Aquinas’ “Disputed Questions on Truth” defends “the view that truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing. Aquinas develops a notion of truth of being (“ontological truth”) along with truth of the intellect (what might be called “logical truth”)” (Wippel, 295)   Subjects: Truth; God’s Knowledge; Ideas; The Divine Word; Providence; Predestination; The Book of Life; The Knowledge of Angels; Communication of Angelic Knowledge; The Mind; The Teacher; Prophecy; Rapture; Faith; Higher and Lower Reason; Synderesis; Conscience; The Knowledge of the First Man in the State of Innocence; Knowledge of the Soul After Death; The Knowledge of Christ; Good; The Tendency to Good and the Will; God’s Will; Free Choice; Sensuality; The Passions of the Soul; Grace; The Justification of Sinners; and The Grace of Christ. For each topic, Aquinas reviews the topic’s Difficulties, and then responses with ‘To the Contrary’ and ‘Reply’. Aquinas concludes each topic with an “Answers to Difficulties” section, demonstrating his typical insightful worldview and readable literary style.“Everything is a being essentially. But a creature is good not essentially but by participation. Good, therefore, really adds something to being (“Good” [U1v])

translation from   http://dhspriory.org/thomas/QDdeVer21.htm).

Goff T181; (Columbia University, Union Theological Seminary;HEHL; LC ;Massachusetts Historical Society;YUL); BMC I, 289/90; Only one Copy in The British Isles (BL)

Impressa Agrippine. opera atq[ue] impe[n]sis p[ro]uidi viri Henrici Quentell. ciuis eiusdem. Anno salutis humane nonagesimonono supra millesimumquadringentesimu[m] Ipso die celebritatis autoris cursu felici ad finem vsq[ue] perducta.

723G Raymond, of Sabunde, . d 1436

Theologia naturalis sive Liber creatura[rum] specialiter de homine [et] de natura eius in qua[n]tum homo. :[et] de his qu[a] sunt ei necessaria ad cognoscendu[m] seip[su]m [et] Deu[m] [et] om[n]e debitu[m] ad q[uo]d ho[mo] tenet[ur] et obligatur tam Deo q[uam] p[ro]ximo.

Impressus Nurembergae : Per Anthoniu[m] koberger [sic] inibi co[n]cluem,1502 $7,800

Folio, 11X 8 inches . This is about the fifth printed edition. A-Q8 R6 In this copy there are contemporary manuscript initials added in red and blue, There is a gilt initial at the beginning of the prologue tooled in the gold leaf into a gesso ground. It is bound in full contemporary Nuremberg blind-tooled brown sheepskin over wooden boards,lacking clasps,

titled is blind stamped on front board with contemporary paper label; There are several inscriptions on title, including reference to the Prologue’s inclusion on the Index Prohibitorum;(1589)there are the usual stains, browning and internal wear, some marginal rodent damage, the binding has been rebacked,it is a good solid copy .

Sabunde was Born at Barcelona, Spain, towards the end of the fourteenth century; died 1432. From 1430 to his death he taught theology, philosophy, and medicine at the University of Toulouse. Apparently, he wrote several works on theology and philosophy, only one of which remains, “Theologia Naturalis”. It was first written in Spanish then translated into Latin.

This text marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scripture and reason.

The Catholic Encyclopedia sees this as “It represents a phase of decadent Scholasticism, and is a defense of a point of view which is subversive of the fundamental principle of the Scholastic method. The

Schoolmen of the thirteenth century, while holding that there can be no contradiction between theology and philosophy, maintain that the two sciences are distinct. Raymond breaks down the distinction by teaching a kind of theosophy, the doctrine, namely that, as man is a connecting link between the natural and the supernatural, it is possible by a study of human nature to arrive at a knowledge even of the most profound mysteries of Faith. The tendency of his thought is similar to that of the rationalistic theosophy of Raymond Lully….Moreover, in Spain scholastics, in combating Islam, borrowed the weapons of their erudite antagonists. Close internal resemblance indicates that Raimund de Sabunde was preceded in method and object by Raymund Lully.” CE

What is new and epoch-making is not the material but the method; not of circumscribing religion within the limits of reason, but, by logical collation, of elevating the same upon the basis of natural truth to a science accessible and convincing to all. He recognizes two sources of

 

knowledge, the book of nature and the Bible. The first is universal and direct, the other serves partly to instruct man the better to understand nature, and partly to reveal new truths, not accessible to the natural understanding, but once revealed by God made apprehensible by natural reason. The book of nature, the contents of which are manifested through sense experience and self-consciousness, can no more be falsified than the Bible and may serve as an exhaustive source of knowledge; but through the fall of man it was rendered obscure, so that it became incapable of guiding to the real wisdom of salvation. However, the Bible as well as illumination from above, not in conflict with nature, enables one to reach the correct explanation and application of natural things and self. Hence, his book of nature as a human supplement to the divine Word is to be the basic knowledge of man, because it subtends the doctrines of Scripture with the immovable foundations of self-knowledge, and therefore plants the revealed truths upon the rational ground of universal human perception, internal and external.

The first part presents analytically the facts of nature in ascending scale to man,the climax; the second, the harmonization of these with Christian doctrine and their fulfillment in the same. Nature in its. four stages of mere being, mere life, sensible consciousness, and self- consciousness, is crowned by man, who is not only the microcosm but the image of God. Nature points toward a supernatural creator possessing in himself in perfection all properties of the things created out of nothing (the cornerstone of natural theology ever after). Foremost is the ontological argument of Ansehn, followed by the physico-theological, psychological, and moral. He demonstrates the Trinity by analogy from rational grounds, and finally ascribes to man in view of his conscious elevation over things a spontaneous gratitude to God. Love is transformed into the object of its affection; and love to God brings man, and with him the universe estranged by sin, into harmony and unity with him. In this he betrays his mystical antecedents. Proceeding in the second part from this general postulation to its results for positive Christianity, he finds justified by reason all the historic facts of revealed religion, such as the person and works of Christ, as well as the infallibility of the Church and the Scriptures; and

the necessity by rational proof of all the sacraments and practices of the Church and of the pope. It should be added that Raimund’s analysis of nature and self-knowledge is not thoroughgoing and his application is far from consistent. He does not transplant himself to the standpoint of the unbeliever, but rather executes an apology on the part of a consciousness already Christian, thus assuming conclusions in advance that should grow only out of his premises.

Yet his is a long step from the barren speculation of scholasticism, and marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scripture and reason.

 

Incunabula

DSC_0208

OK so by clicking on the following links, you SHOULD get the index to my most recent Fascicule :

# VIII F VIII index and then  the complete catalogue fVIIIIf that doesn’t work please find below the text:

 

945G       Eusebius 1473 :Goff E119; BMC I 194.     (Boston Public Library, Indiana Univ)

723G       Bonaventura 1476 :Goff   B959 BMC II 434.

957G       Mediavilla 1476-7 Goff M 424 BMC V 206. (St Louis Univ., Pius XII Memorial      Library ()  &     YUL (–) i.e. both defective)

946G       Bonaventura 1477 :Goff B858; BMC XII 16; Walsh 1701

951G         Vincentius 1481 :Goff V277 BMC III 746.

836G       Blanchellus 1483 Goff B693;BMC HR 3228. (HEHL only!)

776G         Hilarius   1489 :Goff H269; BMC VI 777.     ( Yale U , Villanova )  

907G       Johannes de Verde 1498 & 1494 Goff J468 & J470. (Harvard & St Bonaventure Univ)

942G       Carcano 1496 :Goff C197; H 4507*; BMC V 386. (HEHL,Harv,CL,LC,St Bonaventure, Univ of Kentucky, Univ. of Minn)                            

922 G      Bernardinus deBusti, 1498 &1498 : Goff B1336;BMC V 387.

930G     Thomas Aquinas 1499 : Goff T181. (Columbia, Union Theological;HEHL Mass. Historical;YUL)

723G       Raymond, of Sabunde 1502. Adams S-36; VD 16, R 174.

756G       Diodorus 1505-1508; Goff D214. GW VII Sp.431a (HarvCL, N.L.M. ,Williams,YUL)

 

Fascicule no 8IN

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1)   945G           Eusebius of Caesarea                  c. 260-c. 340

Eusebius Pa[m]phili de eua[n]gelica preparac[i]o[n]e ex greco in latinu[m] translatus Incipit feliciter.         

[ Cologne, Ulrich Zel, not after 1473]                          $14,000

Folio     10 ¾ x 7 ¾ inches.       [a]12, [b-o]10, [p]8           One of the earliest editions, (editio princeps : Venice 1470) This copy is bound in a modern binding of half vellum with corners, flat spine (spine renewed, boards slightly rubbed, inside joints split).

This copy contains the fifteen books of the “Praeparatio evangelica,” whose purpose is “to justify the Christian in rejecting the religion and philosphy of the Greeks in favor of that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not observing the Jewish manner of life […] The following summary of its contents is taken from Mr. Gifford’s introduction to his translation of the “Praeparitio:

“The first three books discuss the threefold system of Pagan Theology: Mythical, Allegorical, and Political. The next three, IV-VI, give an account of the chief oracles, of the worship of demons, and of the various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doctrines of Fate and Free Will. Books VII-IX give reasons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the excellency of their Scriptures and the truth of their history. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the Greeks had borrowed from the older theology and philosphy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the supposed dependence of Plato upon Moses. In the the last three books, the comparson of Moses with Plato is continued, and the mutual contradictions of other Greek Philosphers, especially the Peripatetics and Stoics, are exposed and criticized.”

The “Praeparitio” is a gigantic feat of erudition, and, according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120), was, like many of Eusebius’ other works, actually composed during the stress of the persecution. It ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to the Church History in importance, because of its copious extracts from ancient authors, whose works have perished.” (CE)

It is also very interesting because of its numerous lively fragments from historians and philosophers which are nowhere else preserved, e.g. a summary of the writings of the Phoenician priest Sanchuniathon, or the account from Diodorus Siculus’ sixth book of Euhemerus’ wondrous voyage to the island of Panchaea, and writings of the neo-Platonist philosopher Atticus. Eusebius (c. 263-339), Greek historian and exegete, Christian polemicist and scholar Biblical canon, became bishop of Cesarea in 314 and is considered as the father of Church History as his writings are very important for the first three centuries of the Christianity.

Goff E119; BMC I 194

(United States of America: Boston Public Library
Indiana Univ., The Lilly Library (- 2 ff.)
YUL)
;

 

2)       723G  Bonaventura, Saint. (i.e. Conrad of Saxony)

Speculum Beatae Mariae Virginis.


[Augsburg]: Anton Sorg, 29 Feb. 1476                              $9,800

Folio, 11 1/4 X 8 inches . First edition

50 leaves a-e10   This copy is bound in full modern vellum.

First edition This copy is bound in full modern vellum, it is a very Large copy.

No longer attributed to Bonaventura, attributed to Conrad of Saxony whose the Date and place of birth are uncertain. Holyinger is perhaps his family name. The error has been made by some of confounding Conrad of Saxony with another person of the same name who suffered for the Faith in 1284, whereas it is certain that they were two distinct individuals, though belonging to the same province of the order in Germany. Our Conrad became provincial minister of the province of Saxony in 1245, and for sixteen years ruled the province with much zeal and prudence. While on his way to the general chapter of 1279, he was attacked with a grievous illness and died at Bologna in 1279. The writings of Conrad of Saxony include several sermons and now the “Speculum Beatæ Mariæ Virginis”; the latter, at times erroneously attributed to St. Bonaventure, was edited by the Friars Minor at Quaracchi in 1904. The preface to this excellent edition of the “Speculum” contains a brief sketch of the life of Conrad of Saxony and a critical estimate of his other writings. _ This is one of Anton Sorg’s early works and the second edition of this work at his press; the first one being from 29 II 1476 (Hain 3566; GKW 04817).

 

There is not much known about Sorg. He was an apprentice in the printing shop of the monastery of Saint Ulrich and Afra in 1472 and later its director. In 1475 he left the monastery and started his own press in Augsburg. That city was then particularly famed for the craftsmen who produced woodcuts for block-books. In that city book illustration as an art first flourished and Sorg played an important part in that development. Sorg was active in Augsburg between 1475 and 1493. And very active, he was one of the most prolific of the early printers: the GW mentions altogether 242 works. He had close professional ties to other printers, especially the Bämmler and Schönsperger offices, who often used the same illustrations. His most famous edition was the 1477-German Bible.

A peculiarity of Sorg’s press was the use of outlined woodcut initials (after the examples of the medieval manuscript). Often a large outlined initial was inserted at the start of a chapter and within each chapter smaller woodcut initials headed each division. Both large and small initials. Sorg’s use of printed outlines of the letters to be illuminated was not a common practice.

 

In this work there is on the first leaf a splendid 10-line decorative Maiblumen initial Q and furthermore there are 16 3- or 4-line initials (8x A; 4x D; 4x B). Curiously, on leaf 38v there is only an initial space. On Sorg see: Albert Schramm – Der Bilderschmuck der Frühdrucke. Vol. 4: Die Drucke von Anton Sorg in Augsburg (Hiersemann, 1921).

Goff B959 BMC II 434

3) 957G            Richard Mediavilla [Middleton],   d. 1302/3

         Commentum super quartem  Sententarium.

Venice: Christophorus Arnoldus, [circa 1476-7]        $22,000

 

Folio 12 ¼ 9 ¼ inches. a-z10 [et]10 [cum]10 [per]10 A 10 B-D8 (D8v blank and aa1r blank)  aa8 bb10 cc8 {320 leaves complete}

 

Second edition.   This copy is rubricated throughout with nicely complicated red initials. It is bound in an age appropriate binding of full calf over wooden boards wit clasps and catches with quite impressive end bands.DSC_0285

“Middleton, Richard of [Richard de Mediavilla] Franciscan friar, theologian, and philosopher, was born about the middle of the thirteenth century in either England or France. He studied at Paris, where he formed part of the so-called neo-Augustinian movement, defending the philosophy and theology of Augustine against the inroads of Aristotelianism, during the years 1276–87. He probably studied under William of Ware and Matteo d’Acquasparta, usually viewed as principal figures in this movement.
Middleton’s Commentary on Peter Lombard’s ‘Sentences’ was probably begun in 1281 and was completed in 1284, when he became regent master of the Franciscan school in Paris, a post he held until 1287. The chief characteristic of his Commentary is its sober assessment of many of the positions of Thomas Aquinas. However, the tone of his eighty Quodlibet Questions, produced during his regency, is much more critical and on many issues shows a strong anti-Thomist reaction. In this they have more in common with his disputed questions, which were argued after the condemnations of 1277 but before his Sentences commentary. The latter commentary has been edited along with his Quodlibet Questions. A small number of his disputed questions have also been edited, as have six of his sermons.

DSC_0282Middleton’s link to the neo-Augustinian movement is seen especially in his treatment of the will, even though he does not entirely follow his teachers, Ware and Acquasparta. For Middleton the will is much more noble than the intellect, since it is much more noble to love God than to understand him. Understanding without the corresponding love separates man from God. However, the key to the will’s nobility is its freedom. The intellect is forced by evidence when evidence is given; the will also is forced by its nature to seek the good, but it is free in choosing the means to its predetermined goal. Even if the intellect were prudent enough to show man the best means to his goal, he would not be forced to adopt them. ‘For although the intellect, like a servant with a lamp, points out the way, the will, like the master, makes the decisions and can go in any direction it pleases’ (Stegmüller, 722).

The superiority of the human will over the intellect further manifests itself in Middleton’s conception of the nature of theology. Certainly, the study of the scriptures attempts to clarify human knowledge of both creator and creatures; principally, however, it aims to stimulate man’s affections. Middleton believes that scripture prescribes laws, forbids, threatens, attracts man through promises, and shows him models of behaviour that he should follow or avoid. The study of scripture perfects the soul, moving it toward the good through fear and love. It is more of a practical science than a speculative endeavour. A theology that is speculative is one that models itself on the theology of the metaphysician or philosopher and tends to reduce Christian faith to reason.

The influence of Aquinas is more in evidence in Middleton’s theory of knowledge. Middleton rejects the illumination theory of Bonaventure and his more loyal followers. Man’s intellectual knowledge can be explained, he argues, by the abstraction performed by the agent intellect from the singulars experienced by the human senses. In short, human individuals know, and they know by means of their own intellectual efforts, not by some special divine illumination. Unlike those who endorse the illumination theory, Middleton contends that there is no direct knowledge of spiritual beings, including God. God is not the first thing known. He can be known only by starting with creatures and by reasoning about their origins or final end. Middleton died in Rheims on 30 March 1302 or 1303.” [Oxford DNB]

Goff M-424; BMC V 206.

(The ISTC shows two US copies…St Louis Univ., Pius XII Memorial Library () & YUL – i.e. both defective)

DSC_0286

 

4)   946G        Bonaventura (fromerly attributed to)             but Nicolaus de Hanapis (1225-1291)

 

Exempla Sacrae Scriptae ex utroque Testamento collecta. (Biblia pauperum;) Virtutum vitiorumque exempla

 

Imp[re]ssioniq[ue] Venetijs deditu[m] : Impe[n]sis Iohannis de Colonia socijq[ue] ei[us] Ioha[n]nis Manthen de Gherretzem, before 1477 (The Paris BN copy was bought at Avignon on 14 August 1477)                       $7,500

 

Folio a-e8, f6, g;a-b8, c6, d8

 

Title from incipit of Breviloquium (leaf [1st]a2r)./ Includes “Biblia Pauperum” attributed to St. Bonaventure, which is a shortened version of a text by Nicolas de Hannapes, Virtutum vitiorumque exempla, more generally called “Exempla sacrae Scripturae”. Cf. Gutenberg Jahrbuch 1936, p. 61-62./ Each work has separate signatures./ Imprint from colophon (leaf The Biblia pauperum (leaves 2a1-2d8) is now usually attributed to Nicolas de Hannapes. Cf. BM 15th cent., GW./ Imprint from colophon./ Signatures: a-c8 f6 g8 2a-2b8 2c6 2d8./ } Bound in Back carton, brown calf case of the with elegant decoration imprinted in gold, with title and date of the work on the front plate. Ancient note of possession to a final glance.

This is the second part only this tract   consists of one of several versions of a text going back to the Virtutum vitiorumque exempla of Nicolaus Hanapus, and generally entitled Exempla sacrae scripturae. The title ‘Biblia pauperum’ and the ascription to St. Bonaventure are both incorrect”. (V. Scholderer in Gb Jb 1936 pp.61-62, reprinted in Fifty Essays (Amsterdam, 1966) pp.140-41: Version E)
Rather than a ‘Pauper’s Bible’ this book is in actuality a “religious exempla” (cautionary stories used to aid preaching). The book presents thousands of examples drawn exclusively from the Bible that enable preachers to illustrate their teaching on virtues and vices and to help the faithful to behave Christianly in public and private life, The moment of death. It was printed for the first time in Venice in 1477 and attributed to St. Bonaventure . It is frequently reissued under various titles. For example, Summa virtutum and viciorum (Cologne 1544, and Paris 1548), Virtutum vitiorumque exempla ex universo divinae scripture promptuario desumta , Flores biblici , Exempla biblica (Augsburg, 1726), or simply as the ‘Bible of the Poor’ , Probably because these narratives were easily understood, and because the publishers had arranged them in alphabetical order

Goff B858; BMC XII 16; Walsh 1701
(US copies :Folger , HEHL (var), HarvCL Indiana Univ., The Lilly Library (Biblia pauperum only)
LC, SMU, Newberry Library, Univ. of Illinois (-),Vassar College)

 

 

5)         951G       Bellovacensis Vincentius     1184-1264

Opuscula [Con: Liber gratiae] ; [Laudes Virginis Mariae] ; [De Sancto Iohanne evangelista] ; [De eruditione filiorum regalium] ; [Consolatio pro morte amici].

 

Basel : Johann Amerbach,,13 dec 1481              $11,000

Folio                π6;a10,b-c8,d-p10/8,q8; r-v10/8 x8;y10 A-b10/8 E-H8;I10,K-P8nbQ10. (338 leaves)
Witn numerous rubicated Inatials and capital strokes, thgis copy is bound in full blind tooled pigskin over wooden boards, lacking clasps but a nice catch!            The life of the Dominican friar Vincent of Beauvais, one of the greatest encyclopedists of the Middle Ages, is shrouded in mystery. His place of birth is unknown; his date of birth remains a matter of speculation, despite the fact that it has variously been listed as 1180 or 1190.
Beauvais’ De eruditione filiorum nobilium (“The education of noble children””
Consolatio pro morte amici is addressed to St. Louis on the death of one of his sons in 1260.                        Goff V277; Walsh 1156;BMC III 746;

 

Boston Public Library (- Liber gratiae),Columbia University,Cornell
Georgetown Univ
HEHL,Harv(M)L,HarvCL,LC,New York Public ,Ohio State ,PML
Univ. of DaytonUniv. of Illinois ,Univ. of Michigan,Univ. of Notre Dame, Univ. of Pennsylvania,WArtGL,YUL

 

6)   836G          Blanchellus, Menghus (Bianchelli, Mengo) 1440-1520

 

Super logicam Pauli Veneti expositio et quaestiones (Menghi Fauentini viri clarissimi in Pauli Veneti logicam commentum cu[m] questionibus quibusdam.)                

 

Impressu[m] Venetiis :[Per] Antoniu[m] [et] strata de Cremona.   1483               $ 18,000

 

Quarto a-t8 u6. This copy is bound in Quarter reverse calf over quarter sawn wooden boards

 

U.S: One copy only: The Huntington Library

 

Title from incipit on a2 recto./ Colophon reads: Me[n]ghi faue[n]tini viri clarissimii Pauli veneti logica[m] Co[m]e[n]tu[m] cu[m] q[uesti]onib[us] no[n]nullis feliciter finit. Impressu[m] Venetiis Su[m]ma cu[m] dilige[n]tia [per] Antoniu[m] & strata de Cremona. Anno ab i[n]carnat[i]o[n]e d[omin]ni. Mcccclxxxiii. vi calendas Septe[m]bris. Joha[n]ne mocenico iclito veneto[rum] duce./ Text printed in 2 columns; 46 lines. With initial spaces; without foliation and catchwords. Register at end
Rare philosophical treatise by the philosopher and physician M. Blanchellus (about 1440-1520), giving an explanation of the work of Paul of Venice, the important logician and realist of the Middle Ages.
Took part in a “disputation” with Pico della Mirandola in Florence

 

Goff B693; HR 3228; IBE 1072; IGI 1751; BSB-Ink B-545; GW 4406

 

 

7)   776G          Hilarius, Episcopus Pictaviensis (315-367/68)ed. Cribellus, Georgius,; fl. 1489. and     Saint Augustine

                  Libri Sancti Hilarii de Trinitate contra Arianos, contra Constantium hereticum, contra Auxentium et de synodis fidei catholicae contra Arianos. – Liber Aurelii Augustini de Trinitate. [Georgio Crivellio edente.]

 

Mediolani : per magistrum Leonardum Pachel 1489                                   $9,500

Folio 11½ X 8 inches A-I, AA, BB, a-k, in eights, except H, I, in sixes. The last leaf is blank.

First Edition This copy is bound in later quarter calf. There is light dampstain at top margin, few minor wormholes in the beginning, touching a few letters, some thumbing to lower outer corner of first few leaves, small old red ink note to last leaf. Without the final blank. Small bookplate of the former Redemptorist seminary St. Alphonsus in Esopus, NY. Early 19th cen.

This is the Editio princeps of Hilary of Poitiers’ major theological work, issued with St. Augustine’s work on the same subject. (first published befor 1474)
Saint Hilary devoted to writing some of the greatest theology on the Trinity, and was like his Master in being labeled a “disturber of the peace.” In a very troubled period in the Church, his holiness was lived out in both scholarship and controversy. He was bishop of Poitiers in France.   Raised a pagan, he was converted to Christianity when he met his God of nature in the Scriptures. His wife was still living when he was chosen, against his will, to be the bishop of Poitiers in France. He was soon taken up with battling what became the scourge of the fourth century, Arianism, which denied the divinity of Christ.

The heresy spread rapidly. St. Jerome said “The world groaned and marveled to find that it was Arian.” When Emperor Constantius ordered all the bishops of the West to sign a condemnation of Athanasius, the great defender of the faith in the East, Hilary refused and was banished from France to far off Phrygia (in modern-day Turkey). Eventually he was called the “Athanasius of the West.” While writing in exile, he was invited by some semi-Arians (hoping for reconciliation) to a council the emperor called to counteract the Council of Nicea. But Hilary predictably defended the Church, and when he sought public debate with the heretical bishop who had exiled him, the Arians, dreading the meeting and its outcome, pleaded with the emperor to send this troublemaker back home. Hilary was welcomed by his people.

His work on the Trinity is a scriptural confirmation of the philosophic doctrine of the divinity of Christ, and is of permanent value. It was not a mere restatement of traditional orthodoxy, but afresh and living utterance of his own experience and study. In the discussion of the co-essentiality of the Son, Hilary lays emphasis on the Scripture titles and affirmations, and especially on his birth from the Father, which he insists involves identity of essence. In the elaboration of the divine-human personality of Christ, he is more original and profound. The incarnation was a move went of the Logos towards humanity in order to lift humanity up to participation in the divine nature. It consisted in a self-emptying of himself, and the assumption of human nature. In this process lie lost none of his divine nature; and, even during the humiliation, he continued to reign everywhere in heaven and on earth. Christ assumed body, soul, and spirit, and passed through all stages of human growth, his body being really subject to pain and death. and living utterance of his own experience and study. In the discussion of the co-essentiality of the Son, Hilary lays emphasis on the Scripture titles and affirmations, and especially on his birth from the Father, which he insists involves identity of essence. In the elaboration of the divine-human personality of Christ, he is more original and profound. The incarnation was a move went of the Logos towards humanity in order to lift humanity up to participation in the divine nature. It consisted in a self-emptying of himself, and the assumption of human nature. In this process lie lost none of his divine nature; and, even during the humiliation, he continued to reign everywhere in heaven and on earth. Christ assumed body, soul, and spirit, and passed through all stages of human growth, his body being really subject to pain and

death. Redemption is the result of Christ’s voluntary substitution of himself, out of love, in our stead. Between the God-man and the believer there is a vital communion. As the Logos is in the Father, by reason of his divine birth, so we are in him, and become partakers of his nature, by regeneration and the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s Supper.

The christology of Hilary is full of fresh and inspiring thoughts, which deserve to be better known than they are.

 

Goff H269; BMC VI 777

( Yale U , Villanova Univ)

 

 

8 & 9)             907G          Johannes de Verde (d.1437)

                     Sermones Dormi secure vel dormi sine cura de t[em]p[or]e.
                                         [bound with]
Sermones Dormi secure de tempore et de sanctis.

Nuremberg : Anton Koberger, 12 Mar. 1498
Nuremberg : Anton Koberger,    5 Jan. 1494                                                 $12,000

Folio 11 X 8 inches A (-A1)-F8 G6 [bound with] a-e8 f6 g-k8 I10

The first works lacks title slug. The second work is complete. These two books are rubicated in red and blue throuout. It has a manuscript index on the verso of the final leaf. It is bound in blind stamped original calf over wooden boards ,nicely rebacked.  The two parts of the famous preaching collection of the Franciscan monk Johannes de Verdana , who, besides Johann von Minden and Heinrich von Werl, belonged to the three best known German preachers of the thirties of the fifteenth century.

The “Sermones Dormi secure” is a command to calm the preacher who can keep his sermons on Sundays and holidays (de tempore et de sanctis) without his having so stay up all night composing your own texts. Compiled by a Franciscan friar, this collection of 71 sermons was intended to provide sample texts for those preachers who could not create their own. The nickname of the collection, “dormi secure” (“sleep soundly”), may have implied jokingly that its users were too ignorant or lazy to compose new sermons on short deadlines.

Although it was a highly successful book, appearing in dozens of editions, Martin Luther dismissed it as :

   “donkey dung, introduced by the devil.”

(oh Luther)

This practical preaching document was particularly popular and was printed between 1476 and 1500 in more than 30 editions in Germany, France, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Numerous other editions were held until the 17th century.

ad1) De tempore: Goff J468; HC 15977; Walsh 759; Pr 2120; BMC II

ad2)De sanctis: Goff J470; HC 15979 Walsh 736; Pr 2087; BMC

(Goff and ISTC showing only two copies in the US :Harvard & St Bonaventure Univ)

 

 

10)   942G     Michæl (Michaelis Mediolanensis) Carcano         ( 1427- 1484)
Sermonarium de poenitentia per adventum et per quadragesimam fratris Michaelis Mediolanensis.

Venice : Georgius Arrivabenus, 28 Sept. 1496                                     $9,000

Folio a-z8 [et]8 [con]8 [rum]8 A-E8 F10.   This copy is bound in bind-tooled pigskin over wooden boards,        Carcano was one of the great Franciscan preachers of the 15th-century, In his book there are 92 sermons for Advent and Lent, that amount to a systematic treatment of penitence. Carcano’s preaching was much admired by Bernardino da Feltre, who called him ‘alter sanctus apostolus Paulus et Christi Tuba’.

Quadragesimale seu sermonarium de penitentia duplicatum per aduentu[m] videlicet & quadragesima[m] a venerabili viro fratre Michaele Mediolanensi ordinis fratrum minorum de obseruantia editum: qui tum sanctimonia vite, tu[m] ferue[n]tissima verbi dei p[re]dicatione a deo inumeris meruit corruscare miraculis felici numine explicitum est. Impressu[m] Venetijs optimaq[ue] castigatione eme[n]datu[m]: per Georgiu[m] de Arriuabenis Ma[n]tuanum. Anno d[omi]ni .M.cccclxxxxvj. die .xxviij. Septembris./

 

Goff C197; H 4507*;; Walsh 2140; BMC V 386   (HEHL,Harv CL,LC,St Bonaventure Univ ,Univ. of Kentucky,   Univ. of Minnesota)

“Truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing”

 

11)         930G Thomas Aquinas 1225-1274. editor Theodoricus de Susteren.

Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris s[an]cti Thome Aquinatis. que olim … me[n]dis scatebat. Nouissime iam per … magistru[m] nostru[m] Theodericum de Susteren co[n]uentus Coloniens[is] fratru[m] predicatoru[m] regentem … laboriose reuisa … feliciter incipit.

 

Cologne : Heinrich Quentell, 7 Mar. 1499                                        $12,500

Folio 10 1/2 X 8 inches 2°: A-Z6,Aa-Gg6; {signature Dd signed De}   Third Edition, the final 15th century edition.

Bound in blind-tooled calf including some blind ’title’ on the front board, full calf over wooden boards. Clasps missing, but the catch-plates are present. Light foxing, with some red and green ink dots along edges. Front pastedown shows slight signs of water damage. Occasional small red stains on text block (e.g. E3v and Q5), likely from the books’ rubricator, but otherwise a clean text block.

“Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris sancti Thome Aquinatis…”First written around 1256, Thomas Aquinas’ “Disputed Questions on Truth” defends “the view that truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing. Aquinas develops a notion of truth of being (“ontological truth”) along with truth of the intellect (what might be called “logical truth”)” (Wippel, 295)   Subjects: Truth; God’s Knowledge; Ideas; The Divine Word; Providence; Predestination; The Book of Life; The Knowledge of Angels; Communication of Angelic Knowledge; The Mind; The Teacher; Prophecy; Rapture; Faith; Higher and Lower Reason; Synderesis; Conscience; The Knowledge of the First Man in the State of Innocence; Knowledge of the Soul After Death; The Knowledge of Christ; Good; The Tendency to Good and the Will; God’s Will; Free Choice; Sensuality; The Passions of the Soul; Grace; The Justification of Sinners; and The Grace of Christ. For each topic, Aquinas reviews the topic’s Difficulties, and then responses with ‘To the Contrary’ and ‘Reply’. Aquinas concludes each topic with an “Answers to Difficulties” section, demonstrating his typical insightful worldview and readable literary style.“Everything is a being essentially. But a creature is good not essentially but by participation. Good, therefore, really adds something to being (“Good” [U1v])

translation from   http://dhspriory.org/thomas/QDdeVer21.htm).

Goff T181; (Columbia University, Union Theological Seminary;HEHL; LC ;Massachusetts Historical Society;YUL); BMC I, 289/90; Only one Copy in The British Isles (BL)

Impressa Agrippine. opera atq[ue] impe[n]sis p[ro]uidi viri Henrici Quentell. ciuis eiusdem. Anno salutis humane nonagesimonono supra millesimumquadringentesimu[m] Ipso die celebritatis autoris cursu felici ad finem vsq[ue] perducta.

723G Raymond, of Sabunde, . d 1436

Theologia naturalis sive Liber creatura[rum] specialiter de homine [et] de natura eius in qua[n]tum homo. :[et] de his qu[a] sunt ei necessaria ad cognoscendu[m] seip[su]m [et] Deu[m] [et] om[n]e debitu[m] ad q[uo]d ho[mo] tenet[ur] et obligatur tam Deo q[uam] p[ro]ximo.

Impressus Nurembergae : Per Anthoniu[m] koberger [sic] inibi co[n]cluem,1502 $7,800

Folio, 11X 8 inches . This is about the fifth printed edition. A-Q8 R6 In this copy there are contemporary manuscript initials added in red and blue, There is a gilt initial at the beginning of the prologue tooled in the gold leaf into a gesso ground. It is bound in full contemporary Nuremberg blind-tooled brown sheepskin over wooden boards,lacking clasps,

titled is blind stamped on front board with contemporary paper label; There are several inscriptions on title, including reference to the Prologue’s inclusion on the Index Prohibitorum;(1589)there are the usual stains, browning and internal wear, some marginal rodent damage, the binding has been rebacked,it is a good solid copy .

Sabunde was Born at Barcelona, Spain, towards the end of the fourteenth century; died 1432. From 1430 to his death he taught theology, philosophy, and medicine at the University of Toulouse. Apparently, he wrote several works on theology and philosophy, only one of which remains, “Theologia Naturalis”. It was first written in Spanish then translated into Latin.

This text marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scripture and reason.

The Catholic Encyclopedia sees this as “It represents a phase of decadent Scholasticism, and is a defense of a point of view which is subversive of the fundamental principle of the Scholastic method. The

Schoolmen of the thirteenth century, while holding that there can be no contradiction between theology and philosophy, maintain that the two sciences are distinct. Raymond breaks down the distinction by teaching a kind of theosophy, the doctrine, namely that, as man is a connecting link between the natural and the supernatural, it is possible by a study of human nature to arrive at a knowledge even of the most profound mysteries of Faith. The tendency of his thought is similar to that of the rationalistic theosophy of Raymond Lully….Moreover, in Spain scholastics, in combating Islam, borrowed the weapons of their erudite antagonists. Close internal resemblance indicates that Raimund de Sabunde was preceded in method and object by Raymund Lully.” CE

What is new and epoch-making is not the material but the method; not of circumscribing religion within the limits of reason, but, by logical collation, of elevating the same upon the basis of natural truth to a science accessible and convincing to all. He recognizes two sources of

 

knowledge, the book of nature and the Bible. The first is universal and direct, the other serves partly to instruct man the better to understand nature, and partly to reveal new truths, not accessible to the natural understanding, but once revealed by God made apprehensible by natural reason. The book of nature, the contents of which are manifested through sense experience and self-consciousness, can no more be falsified than the Bible and may serve as an exhaustive source of knowledge; but through the fall of man it was rendered obscure, so that it became incapable of guiding to the real wisdom of salvation. However, the Bible as well as illumination from above, not in conflict with nature, enables one to reach the correct explanation and application of natural things and self. Hence, his book of nature as a human supplement to the divine Word is to be the basic knowledge of man, because it subtends the doctrines of Scripture with the immovable foundations of self-knowledge, and therefore plants the revealed truths upon the rational ground of universal human perception, internal and external.

The first part presents analytically the facts of nature in ascending scale to man,the climax; the second, the harmonization of these with Christian doctrine and their fulfillment in the same. Nature in its. four stages of mere being, mere life, sensible consciousness, and self- consciousness, is crowned by man, who is not only the microcosm but the image of God. Nature points toward a supernatural creator possessing in himself in perfection all properties of the things created out of nothing (the cornerstone of natural theology ever after). Foremost is the ontological argument of Ansehn, followed by the physico-theological, psychological, and moral. He demonstrates the Trinity by analogy from rational grounds, and finally ascribes to man in view of his conscious elevation over things a spontaneous gratitude to God. Love is transformed into the object of its affection; and love to God brings man, and with him the universe estranged by sin, into harmony and unity with him. In this he betrays his mystical antecedents. Proceeding in the second part from this general postulation to its results for positive Christianity, he finds justified by reason all the historic facts of revealed religion, such as the person and works of Christ, as well as the infallibility of the Church and the Scriptures; and

the necessity by rational proof of all the sacraments and practices of the Church and of the pope. It should be added that Raimund’s analysis of nature and self-knowledge is not thoroughgoing and his application is far from consistent. He does not transplant himself to the standpoint of the unbeliever, but rather executes an apology on the part of a consciousness already Christian, thus assuming conclusions in advance that should grow only out of his premises.

Yet his is a long step from the barren speculation of scholasticism, and marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scripture and reason.

 

The First English Catholic New Testament in English,printed in England. ……. translated by the papists of the traiterous seminarie at Rhemes

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The text of the Nevv Testament of Iesus Christ, translated out of the vulgar Latine by the papists of the traiterous seminarie at Rhemes. With arguments of bookes, chapters, and annotations, pretending to discouer the corruptions of diuers translations, and to cleare the controuersies of these dayes. VVhereunto is added the translation out of the original Greeke, commonly vsed in the Church of England, with a confutation of all such arguments, glosses, and annotations, as conteine manifest impietie, of heresie, treason and slander, against the catholike Church of God, and the true teachers thereof, or the translations vsed in the Church of England … By William Fulke, Doctor in Diuinitie

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London:  Christopher Barker, printer to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie 1589                                                                   Sold

 

Folio * A-Y 2A-2Y 3A-3Y 4A-4V 4X First Edition

This copy is bound in full older calf, a very sound and impressive copy.image002

The Rheims version and the Bishops’ Bible version in parallel columns, with Fulke’s commentary at the end of each chapter. The Rheims version is translated from the Vulgate chiefly by Gregory Martin; the Bishops’ Bible translation was overseen by Matthew Parker.In England the Protestant William Fulke ironically popularized the Rheims New Testament through his collation of the Rheims text and annotations in parallel columns alongside the 1572 Protestant Bishops’ Bible. Fulke’s work (as here) was first published in 1589; and as a consequence the Rheims text and notes became easily available without fear of criminal sanctions.

Not only did Douay-Rheims influence Catholics, but also it had a substantive influence on the later creation of the King James Bible. The Authorized Version is distinguished from previous English Protestant versions by a greater tendency to employ Latinate vocabulary, and the translators were able to find many such terms (for example: emulation Romans 11:14) in the Rheims New Testament. Consequently, a number of the latinisms of the Douay–Rheims, through their use in the King James Bible, have entered standard literary English. Douay-Rheims would go on through several re-printings on both sides of the continent.

The translators of the Rheims New Testament appended a list of neologisms in their work, including many latinate terms that have since become assimilated into standard English. Examples include “acquisition”, “adulterate”, “advent”, “allegory”, “verity”, “calumniate”, “character”, “cooperate”, “prescience”, “resuscitate”, “victim”, and “evangelise”.

While such English may have been generated through independent creation, nevertheless the totality demonstrates a lasting influence on the development of English vocabulary. In addition the editors chose to transliterate rather than translate a number of technical Greek or Hebrew terms, such as “azymes” for unleavened bread, and “pasch” for Passover. Few of these have been assimilated into standard English. One that has is “holocaust” for burnt offering.

The First English Catholic New Testament in English,printed in England.

“The ‘editio princeps’ of the Roman Catholic version of the New Testament in English. Translated from the Vulgate by Gregory Martin, under the supervision of William Allen and Richard Bristow. According to the “Douai Diaries”, Martin began the translation in October1578 and completed it in March 1582.

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“The translation adheres very closely to the Latin, though it shows traces of careful comparison with the Greek. But its groundwork was practically supplied by the existing English versions, from which Martin did not hesitate to borrow freely. In particular there are very many striking resemblances between Martin’s renderings and those in Coverdale’s diglot of 1538. Martin’s own style is often disfigured by Latinisms.

“This Rheims New Testament exerted a very considerable influence on the King James version of 1611, transmitting to it not only an extensive vocabulary, but also numerous distinctive phrases and turns of expression. (See J.G. Carleton’s exhaustive analysis, The Part of Rheims in the Making of the English Bible. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1902.)

“Since the English Protestants used their vernacular translations not only as the foundation of their own faith but as siege artillery in the assault on Rome, a Catholic translation became more and more necessary in order that the faithful could answer, text for text, against the ‘intolerable ignorance and importunity of the heretics of this time.’ The chief translator was Gregory Martin… Technical words were transliterated rather than translated. Thus many new words came to birth… Not only was [Martin] steeped in the Vulgate, he was, every day, involved in the immortal liturgical Latin of his church. The resulting Latinisms added a majesty to his English prose, and many a dignified or felicitous phrase was silently lifted by the editors of the King James Version and thus passed into the language” (Great Books and Book Collectors, 108).

The names, numbers, and chapters of the Douay–Rheims Bible and the Challoner revision follow that of the Vulgate and therefore differ from those of the King James Version and its modern successors, making direct comparison of versions tricky in some places. For instance, the books called Ezra and Nehemiah in the King James Version are called 1 and 2 Esdras in the Douay–Rheims Bible. The books called 1 and 2 Esdras in the KJV are called 3 and 4 Esdras in the Douay, and were classed as apocrypha.

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STC (2nd ed.), 2888; Darlow & Moule (Rev. 1968), 202

The Primitive Origin of Mankind EVOLUTION in 1677!

825G Matthew Hale

The Primitive Origin of Mankind considered and examined according to the light of nature.

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London: William Godbid for William Shrowsbery, 1677           $ 2,800

Folio 12 1/2 X 7 3/4 inches a-4,b2,B-Z4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa-Bbb4,Ccc2. First edition.

This copy is bound in full later calf. This copy has the book plate of Desmond Morris author of DSC_0043the book The naked ape and numerous  TV shows sociobiology and Evolution.

 

“The problem of human origins, of how and when the first humans appeared in the world, has been addressed in a DSC_0042variety of ways in western thought. In the 17th century the predominant explanation for the origin of the world and the beings that inhabit it, especially human beings, was based on the biblical account of creation. It was almost universally accepted that humans had been created by a supernatural agent using supernatural means. But alternative explanations for the production of the first humans did exist, according to which the first humans were produced by nature through some form of spontaneous generation” (Matthew R. Goodrum).

The word evolution (from the Latin evolution, meaning “to unroll like a scroll”) appeared in English in the 17th century, referring to an orderly sequence of events, particularly one in which the outcome was somehow contained within it from the start. Notably, in 1677 Sir Matthew Hale, attacking the atheistic atomism of Democritus and Epicurus, used the term evolution to describe his opponent’s ideas that vibrations and collisions of atoms in the void — without divine intervention — had formed “Primordial Seeds” (semina) which were the “immediate, primitive, productive Principles of Men, Animals, Birds and Fishes.”[ Goodrum] For Hale, this mechanism was “absurd”, because “it must have potentially at least the whole Systeme of Humane Nature, or at least that Ideal Principle or Configuration thereof, in the evolution whereof the complement and formation of the Humane Nature must consist … and all this drawn from a fortuitous coalition of senseless and dead Atoms.”[ Goodrum]

DSC_0037 (3)While Hale (ironically) first used the term evolution in arguing against the exact mechanistic view the word would come to symbolize, he also demonstrates that at least some evolutionist theories explored between 1650 and 1800 postulated that the universe, including life on earth, had developed mechanically, entirely without divine guidance. Around this time, the mechanical philosophy of Descartes, reinforced by the physics of Galileo and Newton, began to encourage the machine-like view of the universe which would come to characterise the scientific revolution.[Bowler ] However, most contemporary theories of evolution, including those developed by the German idealist philosophers Schelling and Hegel (and mocked by Schopenhauer), held that evolution was a fundamentally spiritual process, with the entire course of natural and human evolution being “a self-disclosing revelation of the Absolute”.[Schelling]

In response to Isaac de la Peyrere‘s theory of polygenesis, Hale advanced his own theory that the earth was not eternal, but rather had a spontaneous “beginning,” and went on to defend “the Mosaic account of the single origin of all peoples” (Norman). He further believed “that in animals, especially insects, various natural calamities reduce the numbers to low levels intermittently, so maintaining the balance of nature” (Garrison & Morton). Hale anticipated Malthus in studying the growth of a population from a single family, and “seems to have been the first to use the expression ‘geometrical proportion” in respect to population (Hutchinson). Primitive Origination was written as the first part of a larger manuscript entitled Concerning Religion, the whole of which “was submitted to Bishop Wilkins, who showed it to Tillotson. Both advised condensation, for which Hale never found leisure” (DNB). This first part, called “Concerning the Secondary Origination of Mankind,” was published after his death as The Primitive Origination of Mankind. A lawyer by trade, Hale distinguished himself after the fire of London in 1666 by deciding many cases of owner and tennant dispute, and helped facilitate the rebuilding of the city. He also publically demonstrated his belief in witches when as a judge he condemned more than one suspected witch to death. Wing H-258 ;Norman 965 ;Garrison & Morton 215; Lowndes, 973.

Goodrum, Matthew R. (April 2002). “Atomism, Atheism, and the Spontaneous Generation of Human Beings: The Debate over a Natural Origin of the First Humans in Seventeenth-Century Britain”. Journal of the History of Ideas 63 (2): 207–224

Bowler, Peter J. (2003). Evolution:The History of an Idea. University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-23693-9.

Schelling, System of Transcendental Idealism, 1800

Brian Regal Human Evolution: A Guide to the Debates, 2004

Three Sixteenth Century English Books.

850G Hugh Latimer 1485-1555

The fyrste Sermon of Mayster Hughe Latimer, whiche he preached before the kynges Maiest. wythin his graces palayce at Westminster M. D. XLIX. the viii. of Marche. (,’,) Cu gratia et Privilegio ad imprimendum solum.

[bound with]

The seconde Sermon of Maister Hughe Latimer, whych he preached before the Kynges maiestie, iv in his graces Palayce at Westminister y. xv. day of Marche. M. ccccc.xlix. Cum gratia et Privilegio ad Imprimendum solum.

latimer-hugh-1485-1555-the-fyrste-sermon-of-mayster-hughe-latimer-bound-with-the-seconde-sermon-of-maister-hugh-latimer 2

[London: by Jhon Day, dwellynge at Aldergate, and Wylliam Seres, dwellyng in Peter Colledge, 1549]                          $14,000

Octavo 137 x 88 mm A-D8, A-Y8, Aa-Ee8 (Lacking Ee7 and 8, probably blank.)  First editions, each of the two works is one of three or four undated variants, attributed to the year 1549.

This copy is bound in nineteenth century calfskin, the hinges starting to crack. The Encyclopedia Britannica calls Hugh Latimer’s sermons, “classics of their kind. Vivid, racy, terse in expression; profound in religious feeling, sagacious in their advice on human conduct. To the historical student they are of great value as a mirror of the social and political life of the period.”“All things which are written, are written for our erudition and knowledge. All things that are written in God’s book, in the Bible book, in the book of the Holy Scripture, are written to be our doctrine.” (from Hugh Latimer’s Sermon of the Plow)“This was the first of Latimer’s famous Lenten sermons on the duty of restoring stolen goods which resulted in the receipt of considerable sums of ‘conscience money.’” (Phorzimer Catalogue)“The seven sermons which he preached before the king in the following Lent are a curious combination of moral fervor and political partisanship, eloquently denouncing a host of current abuses, and paying the warmest tribute to the government of Somerset.” (DNB)

STC 15270.7; STC 15274.7; Pforzheimer #581 and 582; McKerrow & Ferguson 64.

15270.7 Copies – Brit.Isles                                                                                                                                                          Aberdeen University Library

British Library

Cambridge University Trinity College

Oxford University Bodleian Library

Oxford University Wadham College

Copies – N.America                                                                                                                                                             Folger Shakespeare

Harvard University

University of Virginia

Yale University, Sterling Memorial

15274.7 Copies – Brit.Isles                                                                                                                                                               British Library

Cambridge University Corpus Christi College

Cambridge University Library

Oxford University Bodleian Library

Peterborough Cathedral Library

Copies – N.America

Folger Shakespeare

Harvard University

Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery

University of Illinois

University of Texas

 

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939G Erasmus Sarcerius 1501-1559

Commo[n]places of Scripture orderly and after a compendious forme of teaching, set forth with no lit[t]le laboure, to y great profit & help of all such studentes in Gods word as have not had longe exercise in the same, by the right excellent clerke Eras. Sarcerius. Translated into English by Rychard Taverner.

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London: Nycolas Hyll for Abraham Vele, 1553                                       $12,000

Octavo 5 1/2  x 3 3/4 inches  A-Y8.1156193_view_05

Second edition. Aside from its text and content, as an artifact, this book has its own story. The parchment guards folded around the end leaves are leaves from a Medieval hymnal. One can imagine the Latin service in the times before the Reformation. The end leaves themselves are paper printed with the Act of Uniformity of the common prayer book, which was legally enacted after Henry’s schism from Rome, in an effort to define Anglicanism in its infancy. Inside, marginal notes of a contemporary reader give us The binding too is complete, original, sixteenth century full English blind tooled calfskin over boards, perfectly intact. The materials of the binding themselves give silent testament to the turbulence of the day in sixteenth century England. “Erasmus Sarcerius, German Lutheran, born at Annaberg, 1501; died at Magdeburg, 1559. He was matriculated at Leipzig in 1522, but in 1524 seems to have migrated to Wittenberg, and in 1528 was a teacher at Lubeck and a firm supporter of Protestant tenets. He likewise taught in Graz, and apparently received his master’s degree at Vienna, but was forced to leave because of his religious convictions and in 1530 was matriculated at Rostock. Finally completing his studies, he was recalled to Lubeck, where he remained until 1536, when Count William of Nassau called him to Siegen as rector of the Latin school. In the following year he was appointed superintendent and chaplain to the count, and henceforth all his energies were devoted to the cause of Lutheranism. […] He also came into momentary contact with the English movement against the Roman Church, this being the occasion of his Loci aliquot communes et theologici (Frankfort, 1538); English translation, under the [above] title. As a distinguished theologian Sarcerius could boast that he had framed church orders for twenty-four counties. […] The course of events [circa 1562] lead him further and further away from Melanchthon, and at the colloquy of Worms in 1557 he was on the side of the Weimar theologians.” (Schaff-Herzog)“In [1532] Taverner appealed for help to Cromwell, to whom he was unknown, not daring, as he said, to ask for the king’s liberality without first communicating with Cromwell. Cromwell induced the Duke of Norfolk to promise him a small pension, and in 1533 Taverner was described as ‘last year master of Greek in Cambridge, and now Cromwell’s client.’ He also entered as a student at the Inner Temple, and probably with a view to Cromwell’s service, devoted himself to a study of law. In 1536 Cromwell secured his appointment as clerk of the privy seal, and in August 1537 he was enabled to marry. Meanwhile, Taverner, under Cromwell’s direction, was actively engaged in producing works designed to encourage the reformation of England. […] [In the year before Taverner produced his translation of the Bible, the first edition of the current work was published.] In 1539 appeared Taverner’s English version of the Bible. […] The fall of Cromwell put a stop to Taverner’s literary activity and endangered his position. […] Taverner retained his position as clerk of the signet throughout Edward VI’s reign. On 13 May 1552, though a layman, he was licensed to preach, and he is said to have frequently officiated in this capacity before Edward VI. On Mary’s accession, he lost his place in the signet office, but lived unmolested at his house at Norbiton, Surrey, through the reign. He is also said to have been in the habit of preaching in the streets and catechizing children on religious topics. He died at Wood Eaton on 14 July 1575, and was buried with some ceremony in the chancel of the church.” (DNB)

STC 21755a.5

)))()((((

932G Saint Augustine 354-430

Certaine select Prayers gathered out of S. Augustines Meditations, whiche he calleth his selfe Talke with God.[with] S. Avgvstines Manuell, or little Booke of the Contemplation of Christ, or of Gods worde,wherby the remembraunce of the heauenly desires which is falne a slepe may be quickned vp againe.

augustine-saint-354-430-certaine-select-prayers-gathered-out-of-s-augustines-meditations-bound-with-s-augustines-manuell 2

London: Printed by Iohn Day dwelling ouer Aldersgate, 1575          $11,000

Octavo 139 x 90 mm A-S8, T4. Second edition. The first title-page is a bit browned and worn. It has been mounted. The following three leaves have very old minor, marginal paper repairs. One affects the woodcut border at the fore edge with some loss of the woodcut, which has been drawn in pencil. One text leaf has a minor paper repair in the blank margin at the foot of one leaf. The corner of one other page was folded up when 1156124_view 09_09 2the book was printed. This is a minor fault, which is really rather interesting. The leaf in question is K6. What first draws the eye is a little tear and a blank spot. The leaf was evidently torn and folded over at the exact moment of printing. This copy is bound in eighteenth century red morocco, tooled elaborately in gilt on both boards. It was rebacked somewhat recently in red leather, and tooled in gilt. On the front board the owner’s name, “A. Bunbury,” is tooled in gilt. The corners of the boards have been repaired. The edges of the leaves are gilt. The end-papers are embossed in red and gilt, the gilding has tarnished somewhat. Overall this is a very nice copy, in good condition, with an attractive binding. This selection of extracts from Saint 1156124_view 05_05 2Augustine’s Meditations contains two separate title-pages, although the collation is continuous, and the two together are considered a single work. It is a hand-sized devotional work, meant for pious reflection and inspiration, produced in the midst of the Elizabethan Reformation in England. As the Puritans in Parliament and the Queen wrestled over the details of the official church doctrine and the rights of non-Anglicans, English Catholics suffered with their own private dilemmas. In 1571 Parliament passed the Subscription Act, ordering that all clergy ordained under Henry VIII or Mary I, and any new ordinand or appointee to a benefice, should swear obedience to the Thirty-Nine Articles. In 1572 the Puritans attempted to introduce a bill into Parliament which would permit individual congregations to amend the Book of Common Prayer as they saw fit and which would enforce the Act of Uniformity only against Catholics. Elizabeth insisted on its withdrawal. In 1574 the first Catholic missionary priests arrived from Douai and Rheims to establish contact with Catholic families. The works of Augustine, and other Saints common to Protestants and Catholics could be published without controversy, and provide solace to all in this difficult time.

STC 925.

Copies – Brit.Isles                                                                                                                                                              British Library

Cardiff Central Library

Cardiff University

Oxford University Bodleian Library

Oxford University Bodleian Library

Oxford University Bodleian Library (includes The Vicar’s Library, ST. Mary’s Church, Marlborough)

St. Edmund’s College

Copies – N.America  

Folger Shakespeare

Henry E. Huntington Library

Pierpont Morgan Library

University of Illinois

Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library

1156124_view 03_03 2

A survey of the cities of London and Westminster

“Because I know that time is always time

And place is always place and only place

And what is actual is actual only for one time

And only for one place”

Ash Wednesday T.S. Eliot. 1930

 

Before giving a description of such a momentous book, I feel a bit of framing is due. Much has been written about this wonderful huge book, yet I feel it is necessary to state that this book is indispensable for anyone doing research on any subject relating to Early Modern London. Stow’s initial foray into the subject set the bar high for detailed description of the physical and social environment of London. This edition, by far the best is the work of three generations of Antiquaries, the catalogues of books, records and manuscripts excerpted is impressive in its own right and would be an irreplaceable library on its own. But this work is manifest of cultural shifts and maintains differing scholars approaches to understanding of the recording and preserving of cultural heritage, the list of subscribers depicts the capital invested in this undertaking.

 

947G      John Stow   1525-1605

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A survey of the cities of London and Westminster: containing the original, antiquity, increase, modern estate and government of those cities. Written at first in the year MDXCVIII. By John Stow, citizen and native of London. Since reprinted and augmented by A.M. H.D. and other. Now lastly, corrected, improved, and very much enlarged: and the survey and history brought down from the year 1633, (being near fourscore years since it was last printed) to the present time; by John Strype, M.A. a native also of the said city. Illustrated with exact maps of the city and suburbs, and of all the wards; and likewise of the out-parishes of London and Westminster: together with many other fair draughts of the more eminent and publick edifices and monuments. In six books. To which is prefixed, the life of the author, writ by the editor. At the end is added, an appendiz of certain tracts, discourses and remarks, concerning the state of the city of London. Together with a perambulation, or circuit-walk four or five miles round about London, to the parish churches: describing the monuments of the dead there interred: with other antiquities observable in those places. And concluding with a second appendix, as a supply and review: and a large index of the whole work.

 

London: printed for A. Churchill, J. Knapton, R. Knaplock, J. Walthoe, E. Horne, B. Tooke, D. Midwinter, B. Cowse, R. Robinson, and T. Ward, 1720                  $18,000  

 

Two Folio volumes 15 1/4 X 9 inches.

vol I :Map of London, π2, (B)-(D)2,(a)-(d)4,(e)-(f)2 Q2, A-Z4, Aa-Pp4,Qq2,[end of first book]  B-Z4, Aa-Dd4,[end of second book] A-Z4, Aa-mm4,Nn3 [end of 3rd book]

vol II : π1,A-P4, A-Z4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa- Lll4, Mmm2 [end of book V] A-Z4, Aa-KK4, Ll-Rr2.  Each of the 6 ’books’ has its own pagination, and is introduced by a drop-head title.

There are 70 full Page (and 30 of those folding) Maps and Plates .

The Fold-out of “Elizabethan London ” is lacking as in many copies,  otherwise these two volumes are complete and almost in perfect condition, The Large foldout map of the city of London  DSC_0245has been reinforced on the back and there are a few pages with margin repairs not touching the text. All the pages are crisp and clean. It is truly a stunning copy.

This copy is beautifully and expertly bound in modern quarter calf, over marbled boards, quite a Stately set of volumes indeed! . The binding is in fine working order.

“In the century following Stow’s death, however, the Tudor capital so lovingly depicted and recorded in Stow’s Survey was dramatically transformed. The huge growth of the metropolis, the devastation wrought by the Great Fire of 1666 and the subsequent rebuilding of the City made an updating of the Survey highly desirable. It was to answer this need that John Strype (1643-1737), the ecclesiastical historian and biographer, published a new, hugely expanded version of Stow’s Survey of London in 1720.”

First Issue with “1698” for 1598 on the title page (?) John Stow’s Survey of London, first published in 1598, brims with amusing descriptions and anecdotes as well as highly detailed accounts of the buildings, social conditions and customs of the time, based on a wide range of classical and medieval historical literature, public and civic records, and Stow’s own intimate knowledge of the city where he spent his life. “The reader of A Survey travels with Stow through each of the city’s wards and the adjoining city of Westminster, learns about the wall, bridges, gates, and parish churches . . . DSC_0232 2[Stow] also records the negative aspects of urban growth, in the shape of unsightly sprawl, filth, the destruction of ancient monuments, and above all poverty. His book approaches the thoroughness of an encyclopaedia . . . It is noteworthy that while Camden’s Britannia was written in Latin for the educated élite, Stow’s Survey was composed in the language of his fellow countrymen.” This edition, of 1720, greatly expanded with interpolated amendments by John Strype, is considered the best and most desirable.

DSC_0235 “Throughout his life at Low Leyton, Strype crossed the River Lea into London each week to meet and converse with his antiquarian friends and to call on his contacts in the book trade. . . . The Survey had been repeatedly revised and enlarged in order to keep up with the changing aspect of the post-fire city, now much expanded and altered in its religion and other ways. . . . Although Strype had arranged most of the work by 1707, and the engravings had been prepared, it was set aside after the publication of Edward Hatton’s New View of London in 1708, which seemed to cover much the same ground and was considerably smaller and cheaper. . . . Finally, once the defects of Hatton’s book were acknowledged another agreement in November 1716 led to the Survey’s publication at the end of 1720. . . . The print run was probably more than 500 copies . . . To quote Merritt, ‘By this stage the Survey has a multiple personality, switching with little warning from nostalgic Elizabethan antiquary [Stow] . . . to diligent post-Restoration recorder of events [Strype] and back again’ (Merritt, 87).” (ODNB).

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Richard Grafton] had the audacity to enter into historical controversy (impar congressus) with the great John Stow. This ‘merry old man,’ footing it over England in search of Antiquities because he could never learn to ride, sometimes suspected by Government of being insufficiently Protestant, now begging with a basin in the street, now spending £200 a year on his library, holds a very high place in the history of learning. Even those who, like Camden, distrusted his judgment, allowed his industry. His Chaucer (1561) was his first but by no means his best work: he helped to swell the Chaucerian apocrypha. His Summary of English Chronicles (1565) looks at first like a retrogression from Hall; we are back at the annalistic form and the London tradition with its lists of bailiffs and mayors. But the important thing is that Stow is not a mere compiler but (as we call it) a ‘researcher.’ He uses the literary sources but he adds ‘paynfull searche’ into records, and ‘diligent experience.’ He collected not only books but charters and legal documents. He bought up the collections of others, and his own assisted both Speght and Parker. In 1580 came the Chronicle of English from Brute unto this present year, re-issued in 1592 as the Annals. The Survey of London (1598) was re-issued in 1603 and afterwards enlarged by other hands.

DSC_0238Its modern editor finds this work ‘instinct with’ a ‘life’ which the Annals lack. It is a treasure–house of old customs, old splendors, old gaieties and hospitalities, already vanished or vanishing when the author wrote. Stow had no stylistic ambitions; his works were, as he said ‘written homely.’ His prose varies between mere note–making (see the account of printing under year 1458 in the Summary) and tolerably vivid narrative. In general it is just such an unobtrusive medium as keeps our attention on the facts, and therefore good for its purpose; recte olet ubi nihil olet.” (page 298-299, English Literature in the Sixteenth Century, C.S. Lewis)
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 Maslen & Lancaster. Bowyer ledgers, 584; Lowndes V, 2526. Gibson’s Library, p. 258. ESTC Citation No. T48975.

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Strype’s Survey of London

J.F.Merritt

University of Nottingham

The creation of the 1720 edition

If John Stow’s Survey of London is probably the most famous single work ever written about England’s capital, then the enlarged and updated edition of the same book published some 120 years later by the famous ecclesiastical historian John Strype surely stands as one of the most remarkable works of scholarship ever produced about the city, and is regarded even today as a standard and invaluable work of reference for historians of the capital. Just as London’s boundaries and population had vastly expanded in the years between Stow and Strype’s works, so Strype’s edition dwarfs Stow’s original work. In two stout folio volumes, Strype’s monumental composition provides not just an updated account of the City that brings it down to the early eighteenth century, but also vastly extends the work’s range both geographically (to take in the sprawling suburbs of the metropolis) and thematically (to discuss a panoply of new subjects, from the Great Fire and the provision of water and public health to workhouses and the Bank of England). This is combined with a famous collection of ward and parish maps, and a fine set of plates of prominent buildings. The whole is appropriately preceded by the first detailed life of John Stow, with a full-page reproduction of his funeral monument. 1

The Survey of London is a work which has attracted many different editors in its history, and Strype’s own remarkable edition cannot be used effectively without an understanding of its relationship to the original and subsequent texts of this remarkable work.

John Stow’s own Survey of London was first published in 1598. But he did not intend this to be his last word on the subject. In 1603 he published a new edition with many important corrections and additions, and he clearly intended to embark on further elaborations and refinements, prevented only by his death in 1605. Work on a new edition of the Survey began not long after Stow’s death. His first posthumous editor was the incorrigible Anthony Munday — playwright, pageant-writer, polemicist, and (apparently) a spy reporting against both puritans and Catholics. Munday claimed of Stow that, while still alive, ‘much of his good mind he had formerly imparted to me, and some of his best collections lovingly delivered me, prevailing with mee ? to proceed in the perfecting of a Worke so worthy’. 2 Munday’s new edition of the Survey, published in 1618, sought to update Stow’s text in a number of ways. Another edition, published in 1633 after Munday’s death, took things further, including a substantial new section entitled ‘A Returne to London’, which sets out to document a resurgence in London church repair, rebuilding and beautification, undertaking a parish-by-parish survey of the capital’s churches. A further bizarre appendix presents an accumulation of miscellaneous, almost random, material, under the title ‘The Remaines or Remnants of Divers Worthy Things which should have had their Due Place and Honour in this Worke, if Promising Friends had Kept their Words’. 3

The unwieldy sprawl of Munday’s 1633 edition showed that Stow’s work clearly required a more effective editor. Nevertheless, no further editions of Stow were attempted. Instead, the text of the Survey (usually the 1633 edition) was raided by later authors for material that they could insert into their own works on London. This was the case in James Howell’s Londinopolis (1657) and Thomas de Laune’s The Present State of London (1681; 2nd ed 1690). In 1694 a concerted attempt was made by Richard Blome (who had produced a new edition of William Camden’s Britannia in 1673) to complete a new edition of Stow’s Survey ‘with large additions and improvements’. While new maps and much new text were generated, however, the edition itself was never published. 4

In 1702, two of the publishers involved in the abortive 1694 edition of the Survey drew up an agreement to edit the Survey with one of those writers who had initially been approached to provide materials for the 1694 edition. This was John Strype. Strype is best known to us as an ecclesiastical historian, but also enjoyed fame as an accomplished editor of texts and historical documents, including an immensely popular account of Ceylon (and indeed, his ecclesiastical annals and biographies were often essentially compendia of extracts of transcribed documents). His edition of the Survey was apparently completed by November 1707, but Strype and his publishers then found that booksellers would not accept the work because of the simultaneous publication of a much slimmer and cheaper rival — Edward Hatton’s New View of London — which used significant amount of materials from Stow (although self-consciously abandoning Stow’s structure and methodology). Like Blome’s edition, Strype’s 1708 Survey was therefore aborted. Nevertheless, the deficiencies of Hatton’s work meant that the demand for a scholarly updating of Stow’s Survey were undiminished, and by the second half of 1716 the edition was back on track, and Strype’s edition of the Survey was finally published in December 1720. The work, in two folio volumes, was priced at a princely six guineas, and somewhere between 500 and 700 copies were published, with 271 subscribers listed in the work itself. 5

The drawn-out process by which Strype’s edition emerged can help to explain some of the peculiarities of the text as it was finally published. Strype clearly had access to the text and other materials of Blome’s abortive 1694 edition. He scrupulously indicates all Blome’s additions to the original Survey with the marginal note ‘R.B.’ —but this means that some of these sections stop abruptly in 1694. The maps in Strype’s edition are also essentially taken from Blome’s 1694 edition, although with some minor alterations made in 1707 (although, unlike the text, Blome’s name is unceremoniously removed from the maps). Strype also does not seem to have altered the main body of the text that he completed for the 1708 edition, so that changes occurring between 1708 and 1720 are often missed. The written account of the city therefore essentially describes London as it was in 1708. 6 Even the list of stage coaches and carriers is dated 1707. Strype did, however, add a number of new and supplementary sections to the work.

The earlier history of the Survey under the editorship of Stow and Munday can also explain some other gaps and anomalies in the coverage of Strype’s edition. For example, the entries for different London parishes provide plentiful information on Jacobean church-building, because Strype has taken the separate, consolidated account of early Stuart church-building–which Munday appended to the 1633 edition–and redistributed this material within the overall entries on each individual parish. But Strype’s edition contains virtually no reference to any church-building or decoration in London parishes during the Laudian campaign of the 1630s and surprisingly little on the later seventeenth century. There had, of course, been no shortage of such building, but there had been no Munday around to record it, and Strype made no use of parochial documents to investigate these matters further. 7

Other anomalies of the edition’s coverage can be explained by the practicalities of the gathering of material. The chance enthusiasm of certain clergy and parish officials, for example, seems to explain why some parishes, such as St James Clerkenwell and St Botolph Aldgate, are far more fully documented than others, especially for the later seventeenth century. 8 It is also not surprising to find that Strype’s own parish of Low Leyton receives more attention than its suburban location might otherwise have afforded it, as does the parish of Hackney, where he held a lectureship. While Strype does not seem to have consulted parish records such as churchwardens’ accounts (so that his accounts of parochial donors are dependent on the tables and monuments visible in churches when he and his assistant ‘I.W.’ visited them), nevertheless the support of Bishop Compton of London meant that Strype had access to diocesan materials of a type which neither Stow nor Munday had available. Strype relied heavily on the recent 1693 episcopal visitation returns to update the perambulation portion of the Survey, while information from an earlier visitation of 1636 helped to fill in gaps about the pre-Fire character of certain parishes.

Some omissions in the edition also reflect simple time constraints. As late as October 1719, it was noted that information on nine livery companies was still missing, and in the final version three livery companies are bereft of a brief history, with only their coat of arms provided (II.v.247). Yet by July 1720 Strype was still supplying new material for the appendices, much to the consternation of the booksellers who begged him to ‘put a stop to the great Enlargements which we perceive are like to be made in the second Appendix for We have Exceeded by 80 sheets of Our first Computation already’. 9

While we may note its many omissions, however, it is just as important to emphasize the enormous amounts of new material which Strype introduced to the Survey. It should also be recognized that Strype did not merely add new material by describing recent events and institutions, but also drew on medieval and Tudor sources to expand significantly the coverage of the period before Stow wrote his first edition. For example, Strype’s account of the parish of St Martin in the Fields, Westminster is enriched by his use of Burghley’s papers for an account of an enclosure riot in 1592 (II.vi.79-80). 10

 

Strype and the 1720 Survey

If it is important for the reader of Strype’s edition to understand how the work stands within the series of continuations of Stow’s original work, it is equally important to appreciate how John Strype’s own preoccupations played a vital role in shaping the 1720 edition.

Strype’s experience as an editor clearly led him to take a keen interest in identifying Stow’s original text. He explains in his preface that he wished to return to the uncorrupted Stow because ‘since the Author’s Death there having crept in a great number of Errors, as it happens in After-Editions’. Contemporaries had increasingly tended to conflate the versions of the Survey produced by Stow and Munday. Strype therefore made it a priority to disentangle the publishing history of the Survey by introducing a system of marginal annotations, so that Stow’s original text could be identified. This partly reflected Strype’s conviction that Munday was greatly inferior to Stow as a scholar, but also his esteem for Stow himself. Not the least notable addition to the Survey that Strype introduced was the ‘Life of Stow’ which prefaces the whole work, along with a full-page reproduction of Stow’s funeral monument. Strype’s ‘Life of Stow’ marks a significant moment in the rehabilitation of Stow’s reputation. Strype presents him as a paragon of honest and intuitive scholarship, compassionate to the poor, and specifically refutes charges that he was overly credulous or unscholarly in his working methods. He makes no attempt to hide Stow’s Catholic sympathies, but explains them in terms of a response to the sacrilege of the early Reformation, and offers a rounded, realistic and above all sympathetic account of his trials and tribulations.

Strype clearly admired Stow as a fellow scholar and editor. But for all his editorial scruples, his concern to follow Stow’s method, and the practical pressures that significantly shaped the content of the book, Strype’s edition of the Survey is not entirely lacking in evidence of Strype’s own religious and intellectual preoccupations. 11

The son of a Dutch immigrant silk merchant, John Strype grew up in a family with strong non-conformist links. This was particularly true of the family of his mother, Hester van Strype, who is known to have sheltered non-conformist ministers in her London house during the 1665 plague. After the death of his father, the young Strype also came under the influence of his brother-in-law John Johnson, a dedicated Presbyterian minister. It was Johnson who in 1663 arranged for Strype to transfer from Jesus College, Cambridge to the more amenable Catherine Hall, where John Lightfoot (who had earlier supported Presbyterianism at the Westminster Assembly) was master. Despite this background, however, Strype ultimately decided to position himself firmly within the ranks of the established church — a decision which alienated him from most of his close-knit family for many years. 12 The influence of some of this background may be glimpsed in his treatment of the stranger communities in the pages of the Survey. While condemning the naturalization of alien merchants, Strype still does his best to defend the rights of the stranger communities to be exempted from the requirements of religious conformity. In part, he does this by emphasizing, not their shared membership of an international Protestant community (as puritans had traditionally done) but rather the degree to which their behaviour echoes that of the established church. Thus he notes how French Protestants at St Anne Soho use the English liturgy in French translation, with episcopally-ordained ministers officiating and sometimes wearing Anglican garb (II.v.294-305; II.vi.85).

Strype was closely involved in the religious politics of his day. He served as minister at Low Leyton, just outside London, from 1668 until his death, and it was from here that he supported Henry Compton, bishop of London, even when the latter was suspended by James II in 1686. Strype was also involved in clandestine publications criticizing James’ religious policies. Thereafter, Strype’s strong support for the Glorious Revolution led to his formal institution as rural dean of Barking by the grateful Bishop Compton, and he was additionally rewarded with a lectureship at the nearby parish of Hackney. In the years that followed, Strype’s position as dean of Barking extended beyond a merely pastoral one, as he also participated in electioneering for the Essex Church-Tory party. 13

Strype’s religious sentiments — fiercely anti-Jacobite and anti-Catholic, disapproving of Dissenters, and passionately committed to the established church — can also be seen to have found outlets in sections of the Survey. Thus, while Strype follows Stow in including Fitzstephen’s encomium of Thomas Becket at the end of the medieval account of London, he adds a stinging editorial addition that this was written by ‘a Monk, the Pope’s sworn Creature ? in the very Depth of Popery’ (II.Appendix, p.15). It is also notable that, while later eighteenth-century editors of the Survey felt obliged to denounce the anti-Catholic inscriptions on the Great Fire Monument, Strype was comfortable merely to report these additions to the Monument without comment. 14

The Survey also bears witness to Strype’s profound concern with the moral life of the City, encapsulated in his enthusiasm for such contemporary organizations as the Society for the Reformation of Manners. He introduces a new section to the Survey that is specifically concerned with ‘the late Endeavours used in the City for the restraining of Vice’, which describes ‘in what State Religion and Good Manners stand here at present’, partly by an approving overview of the various Societies (II.v.30-52). Like Munday and Stow, Strype gives an account of charities and almshouses, but this is no mere catalogue of good works — this is clearly a topic that excites Strype’s particular interest. He gives a meticulous account of the workhouse in Bishopgate Street, with case studies of its successes (I.i.197-202). This concern with the instruments of social control and moral reform is very much of its time, and conspicuously different from the world of Stow and Munday, where the very fact of the founder’s charity claimed most attention.

Needless to say, this preoccupation with the need to maintain social order means that Strype makes little space in his edition of the Survey for the discussion of sports and pastimes. As a diligent editor he reproduces Stow’s account of ‘the customary Sports used in the City’, but rather than supplementing this with an updated account of such pursuits, Strype rather oddly chooses to append a bloodcurdling account of ‘some of their customary Punishments in former Times, of Shame or Pain, or both, for divers Sorts of Crimes and Misdemeanours: Such were Pillorizing, Carting, Riding, Whipping.’ (I.i.257-8). The association of the two topics in Strype’s mind seems clear. It is hardly surprising that virtually the only allusion that Strype makes to theatrical drama in the capital focuses on the City’s attempts under Elizabeth to regulate potentially dissolute players and the ‘lewd Matters of plays’ (II.v.244-6).

Strype’s edition also breathes the spirit of its age in its provision of statistical information. Strype’s modish fascination with political arithmetic shines through in page upon page of statistics and tables charting matters such as the volume of livery company charity, amounts spent yearly on the diet of the poor, numbers received into and discharged from the capital’s workhouses, and a lengthy account of fire insurance rates, complete with charts to calculate premiums. Similarly, the state of contemporary London’s wealth and income, and its role at the centre of overseas trade, are celebrated, along with lengthy discussions of trading companies and the Bank of England (e.g. II.v.256-73, 404-8, 445-7).

Strype’s edition of the Survey of London is, then, a remarkable compendium of information about the capital. For all of its omissions, the anomalous chronological range of some sections, and the idiosyncrasy of others, its editor still manages to muster a huge amount of material gathered from an extraordinary range of sources. The two hefty volumes may lack the immediate personal touch and focus of Stow’s own Survey, but this is not because Strype himself was simply a dispassionate observer of events. As we have seen, he had his own agenda and beliefs as well. The unwieldiness of the Survey partly reflects the task that Strype set himself — to preserve Stow’s original text and the essential structure of Stow’s work, but also to integrate the additions of Munday, Blome and Strype himself within the same framework. What it gains in comprehensiveness, it loses in coherence. Not the least bewildering aspects of the book is the cacophony of editorial voices. The authorial ‘I’ can be found reporting events witnessed in the 1540s, conversations in the 1620s, or visiting Westminster Hall in the 1650s in order to see the standards seized at the Battle of Worcester (I.ii.66; I.iii.16; II.vi.49). The Survey of Strype’s edition has a multiple personality, switching with little warning from nostalgic Elizabethan antiquary to triumphalist Jacobean pageant-writer to diligent post-Restoration recorder of events and back again. Instead of a perambulation where Stow takes the reader by the hand through London’s streets, it is now a huge boisterous party — with Munday, Blome, Strype and others all coming along, interrupting one another, hailing the new and the old using the same authorial ‘I’ — an ‘I’ that is sometimes nostalgic and regretful, sometimes enthusiastic and forward-looking.

It emphatically does not conform to our modern sense of a scholarly edition of a celebrated work. Nevertheless, Strype’s sprawling edition creates an altogether richer melange of materials. Rather than being frozen in the past, the Survey of London lives in Strype’s present, speaking of new developments as well as recording old ones. Moreover, as a repository of the knowledge, ideas and manuscript discoveries of this most indefatigable of antiquaries, Strype’s Survey of London still represents a treasure trove for the historian of London.

END

Footnotes

  1. Much of the following text is adapted from J.F. Merritt, ‘The reshaping of Stow’s Survey’, in J.F. Merritt (ed.), Imagining Early Modern London. Perceptions and Portrayals of the City from Stow to Strype, 1598-1720 (Cambridge, 2001), pp. 52-88.
  2. Munday, Survey (1618), ‘The Epistle Dedicatory’, sig. 2.
  3. For a fuller discussion see Merritt, ‘Reshaping’, pp. 54-67.
  4. Ibid., pp. 67-73.
  5. John J. Morrison, ‘Strype’s Stow: the 1720 Edition of ‘A Survey of London’’, London Journal 3 (1977), pp. 42-7, 54 n.68.
  6. Ibid., pp. 41, 47.
  7. Merritt, ‘Reshaping’, p. 86.
  8. Ibid., p. 84 n.114.
  9. Ibid., pp. 85-6; Morrison, ‘Strype’s Stow’, p. 47.
  10. See also J.F. Merritt, The Social World of Early Modern Westminster (Manchester, 2005), pp. 202-5.
  11. For a fuller discussion see Merritt, ‘Reshaping’, pp. 76-84.
  12. John J. Morrison, ‘John Strype: historian of the English Reformation’, PhD thesis, University of Syracuse (1976), pp. 21-8, 37.
  13. Ibid., pp. 33, 67, 70-3, 284, 287-97.
  14. I.ii.181; Survey (1754), I.ii.501-2.

And to bring us no now, one of my favorite things to do in London is to follow the Old wall, much of which s marked on the sidewalk roads and Walls themselves, Of course Stow did this and there is an Appendix to this edition giving you as guided tour

 

 

 

 

English liberties: or, The free-born subject’s inheritance

924G {Henry Care} 1646-1688

 

English liberties: or, The free-born subject’s inheritance, containing, I. Magna Charta, the Petition of Right, the Habeas Corpus Act; and divers other most useful statutes: with large comments upon each of them. II. The proceedings in appeals of murther; the work and power of parliaments; The qualifications necessary for such as should be chosen to that great trust. Plain directions for all persons concerned in ecclesiastical courts; and how to prevent or take off the writ De Excommunicato Capiendo. As also the oath and duty of grand and petty juries. III. All the laws against conventicles and Protestant dissenters with notes, and directions both to constables and others concern’d, thereupon; and an abstract of all the laws against papists.

IMG_0713

LONDON: Printed by G. Larkin, for Benjamin Harris, at the Stationers Arms and Anchor in the Piazza under the Royal-Exchange, 1682?                                             $6000

Duodecimo 144 x 83 mm  A6, B-K12, L6. (lacking initial ?blank A1)pp. [10] 1-228. Wanting the blank preceding the title page. First edition. Recently expertly rebound in full calf in period style, with blind rules to the covers, the spine lettered direct, new endpapers. Title page browned around the edges, sections of the text a little age toned and occasionally dusty otherwise the contents are generally clean.

This little book is an effort to give the power to the people, by way of indicating to the public the powers which the law has already afforded them. As the title page indicates, it includes one of the most important legal document ever, the Magna Charta, in English, and many other legal tidbits doubtlessly of great interest to the public. The section below is taken from the table.

“The Nature and Happiness of our English Government; Magna Charta faithfully recited; a comment upon Magna Charta; ‘Tis but a declaration of what the people had right to before; the occasion and means of obtaining Magna Charta; Ill council persuade King Henry III to revoke Magna Charta, and the sad end of that wicked counsellour; Liberties what; Monopolies are against Magna Charta; the King cannot send any man out of England against his will; Peers what; Commitment, the necessary circumstances where legal; Justice its three properties; Judges are to obey no commands from the King, though under the Great or Privy Seal (much less signified by any little whispering Courtier) against law; Protection, when unlawful,”    

Many statutes, laws, and court decisions are cited in this book, the writ of habeas corpus, and other fascinating bits of law. This work became popular in America after it was reprinted by Benjamin Franklin’s brother in 1721 and 1774. It was designed to “slip into one’s pocket [and] had more to do with preparing the minds of American colonists for the American Revolution than the larger but less accessible works of Coke, Sidney and Locke” (Hudson, 580-85).     Care’s influence is clear “in the writings of the founding fathers of the United States—Samuel Adams, John Adams, John Dickinson and Alexander Hamilton.     Jefferson added two copies of English Liberties to his library and arranged that it be included in the library of the University of Virginia” (Schwoerer, 231-5).   The  “the most important documents and statements in English history and law concerning liberty, property and the rights of the individual Benjamin Franklin knew its contents thoroughly” (Lemay, Life, 74).

This first edition features a printing of the Magna Charta, “a symbol of political liberty and the foundation of constitutional government” (Grams, Great Experiment, 95), and was published in 1682  “to provide uneducated and inexperienced English persons with documents and information about the law and their rights praising England’s ‘fundamental laws [as] coeval with government’ and describing the Magna Charta as ‘Declaratory of the principal grounds of the Fundamental Laws and Liberties of England.’ Celebrating law in another piece as second only to the gospel, he described it in English Liberties as ‘the Best Birthright the Subject hath’ Care regarded the essence of this birthright as the ‘privilege not to be exempt from the law of the land, but to be freed in Person and Estate from Arbitrary Violence and Oppression'” (Morrison & Zook, Revolutionary Currents, 46-7).

“Care advocated a radical theory of liberty of the religious conscience for all persons and argued for the principle of separation of church and state his ideas are comparable to those of John Locke on that subject and were in print before Locke’s Letter on Toleration.” Care especially promoted “an abiding respect for the merits of trial by jury as a bulwark of English rights and liberties. English Liberties helped to transmit this ‘jury ideology’ and other ideas about fundamental laws and the rights and liberties of Englishmen to 18th-century England and the American colonies”

(Schwoerer, Ingenious Mr. Henry Care, xxvi).

On publication, English Liberties “became a publishing phenomenon, with successive editions circulating around the Atlantic world in the 18th century, its small size—it could literally fit into a pocket—enabling knowledge of English rights to reach the peripheries of the empire” (Yirush, Settler, Liberty and Empire, 29).

ESTC R31286; Wing C515

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