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Melancholy

Trouble of mind and the disease of melancholly

252J.  Timothy Rogers (1658-1728)

A discourse concerning trouble of mind and the disease of melancholly : in three parts : written for the use of such as are, or have been exercised by the same.

London : Printed for Thomas Parkhurst, and Thomas Cockerill at the Bible and Three Crowns in Cheapside, and at the Three Legs in the Poultrey 1691.                      $3,800

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Octavo     inches. A8 (a)-(d)8 (e)4, B-2E8 ( leaf S7 pages 269/270 torn in the out margin affecting one word in each line) first Edition , bound in original calf boards neatly rebacked.

“Rogers was educated at Glasgow University, where he matriculated in 1673, and then studied under Edward Veal at Wapping.Rogers began his career in the dissenting ministry as evening lecturer at Crosby Square, Bishopsgate. Some time after 1682 he was struck down by a form of hypochondria, from which he recovered in 1690, and then became assistant to John Shower. Shower was then minister of the Presbyterian congregation in Jewin Street, and moved in 1701 to the Old Jewry Meeting-house.  Rogers’s hypochondria returned, and in 1707 he left the ministry .(DNB)

Rogers cautions not to blame the devil for this depression:

“Do not attribute the effects of mere Disease, to the Devil”, He describes how the mind can make the body sick: “If a Man, saith he, that is troubled in Conscience, come to a Minister, it may be, he will look all to the Soul, and nothing to the Body; if he come to a Physician, he considereth the Body, and neglecteth the Soul: for my part, I would never have the Physician’s Counsel despised, nor the Labour of the Minister neglected; because the Soul and Body dwelling together, it is convenient, that as the Soul should be cured, by the Word, by Prayer, by Fasting, or by Comforting; so the Body must be brought into some temperature, by Physick, and Diet, by harmless Diversions, and such like ways.” 

“Rogers’s detailed instructions on how to care for patients suffering from `trouble of mind’, especially from `melancholly’ of the religious kind, are particularly valuable because they were written from personal experience; as the extract shows much of his advice can still be usefully applied by the psychiatrist and the psychiatric nurse today. It appears from his biography prefixed to the third edition of his book (London 1808; a second edition appeared in 1706) that he came from a family in which several near relatives were similarly affected ‘so that his case might properly be called natural or hereditary’. In his late twenties he had his first breakdown, ‘a deep and settled melancholy’ lasting two years. On his recovery he wrote this book as an offering ‘for his wonderful restoration’, to discharge ‘the Duty of those Persons whom God hath delivered from Melancholy, and from the anguish of their Consciences’ and to show `What is to be thought of those that are distracted with Trouble for their sins’. However he continued ever after subject to ‘a very unhappy dejection of mind . . . a prey to gloomy fears and apprehensions’, so that he was forced to retire into the country where he continued to manifest ‘though in a more contracted sphere, the same zeal for the honour of God, and for the salvation of the souls of men’.” (300 years of Psychiatry, Richard Hunter, 1963, p248)

Archibald Alexander (17721851), the first professor at Princeton Theological Seminary, was a perceptive student of human behavior. His insights on counseling, especially on dealing with depression, are remarkably valid for today. In his Thoughts on Religious Experience (1844), Alexander wrote concerning the causes of depression:

“ When religious melancholy becomes a fixed disease, it may be reckoned among the heaviest calamities to which our suffering nature is subject. It resists all argument and rejects every topic of consolation, from whatever source it may proceed. It feeds upon distress and despair and is displeased even with the suggestion or offer of relief. The mind thus affected seizes on those ideas and truths which are most awful and terrifying. Any doctrine which excludes all hope is congenial to the melancholy spirit; it seizes on such things with an unnatural avidity and will not let them go. [Alexander 1978, 35] Alexander tells of Timothy Rogers, a London minister who lived from 1658 to 1728. Rogers was a godly, pious, and able pastor. Yet he was overtaken by a severe depression which today would probably be diagnosed as involutional depression. Rogers’s depression was so acute that he “gave up all hope of the mercy of God, and believed himself to be a vessel of wrath, designed for destruction, for the praise of the glorious justice of the Almighty”(Alexander 1978, 35).

Alexander describes Rogers’s condition in terms that tell us the man was clinically depressed, perhaps even psychotically depressed at times. It is clear that Alexander accepts Rogers’s depressed feelings as genuine and recognizes them as the cause of the spiritual problem which clouded his perceptions. Yet Alexander does not conclude that Rogers was damned, nor does he charge him with spiritual backsliding or lack of faith. Rather he sees a severe depression that needed to be understood. Rogers’s depression eventually ran its course, as do most involutional depressions. Many Christians cared for him and prayed on his behalf. After his depression lifted, Rogers became interested in ministering to others who experienced depression. As part of this effort he wrote treatises entitled Recovery from Sickness and Consolation for the Afflicted . Alexander was so impressed with the preface in Rogers’s Discourse on Trouble of Mind and the Disease of Melancholy that he put its contents verbatim into his own Thoughts on Relgious Experience . Those thoughts of Rogers on depression are of such high caliber that I have reproduced them in the appendix. They are the best material I have found on counseling depressed Christians. (© 1984 by William T. Kirwan)

Wing; R1848; Hunter p248

Copies – N.America

Harvard University Houghton Library

Newberry

U.S. National Library of Medicine

Union Theological Seminary

William Andrews Clark Memorial Library

University of Texas at Austin

Yale University, Medical School

EROTOMANIA or A treatise discoursing of the essence, causes, symptomes, prognosticks, and cure of love, or Erotiqve melancholy. Written by Iames Ferrand Dr. of Physick

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Jacques Ferrand (b. ca. 1575)

EROTOMANIA, OR A TREATISE DISCOURSING OF THE ESSENCE, CAUSES, SYMPTOMES, PROGNOSTICKS, AND CURE OF LOVE, OR EROTIQUE MELANCHOLY.

(Oxford: Printed by L. Lichfield, 1640).                                              $9,500

IMG_0891SMALL OCTAVO (5 3/4 x 3 5/8″). a-b⁸ c⁴ A-Z⁸.. Translated from the French by Edmund Chilmead. FIRST EDITION IN ENGLISH. This copy is neatly bound in 19th century calf with a gilt spine. it is quite a lovely copy.

First some symptoms:

“pale and wan complexion, joined by a slow fever … palpitations of the heart, swelling of the face, depraved appetite, a sense of grief, sighing, causeless tears, irresistible hunger, raging thirst, fainting, oppression, suffocation, insomnia, headaches, melancholy, epilepsy, madness, uterine fury, satyriasis, and other pernicious symptoms …”

This book is filled with details chosen on account of the personal motives and life ex- perience of the author. A close reading of Ferrand’s treatise (in particular a careful comparison of the two editions) reveals that he had to deal with criticism from both the religious establishment (the Catholic Church) and the academic establishment (his colleagues in the Paris medical faculty)

“Climate, diet and physical activity (three of the six “non-natural IMG_0893causes”) were the main elements controlling an individual’s health8. However, a reading of descriptions of the lifestyle which is most likely to lead to being infected by love melancholy makes it clear that the disease was characteristic of a specific social class. Wine, white bread, eggs, rich meats (especially white meat and stuffed poultry), nuts and most sweets were thought to be prob- lematic. Aphrodisiac foods such as honey, exotic fruits, cakes and sweet wines were considered to be extremely dangerous.

A close look at this list reveals a diet available to and typical of only the wealthy, mainly the nobility. Sleeping in a very soft bed was also regarded as very dangerous, since it aroused lust11. Farmers were hardly likely to suffer from this problem. The writers claim that an idle lifestyle that includes excessive dining and minimal physical activity is dangerous for two reasons: first, an idle person wastes his time thinking, which dries the body and makes it melancholic; second, and much worse, idle people indulge in useless activities like plays and dances that involve both men and women and thus induce lust.

“[The disease] is most evident among such as are young and lusty, in the flower of their years, nobly descended, high-fed, such as live idly, and at ease,” writes Burton12. He scorn- fully examines the lifestyle of the nobility, which gives rise to burning desire, and hence to love melancholy. Ferrand, though not as directly critical, em- phasises the same factors and writes that “great lords and ladies are more inclined to this malady than the common people”13. Class difference, formerly only hinted at in the discussion on diet, becomes the major issue. But are young aristocratic men and women, who obviously eat and sleep better than most, more inclined to this disease by reasons of their lifestyle, or is there another cause for their distress?

Having dealt with the various therapeutic techniques, Ferrand declares: “No physician would refuse to someone suffering from erotic mania or melancholy the enjoyment of the object of desire in marriage, in accordance with both divine and human laws, because the wounds of love are cured only by those who made them.”14 Although Ferrand only deals quite briefly with this type of remedy (compared to the dozens of pages he devotes to medical therapies), he is also quite decisive. Only by union with the beloved will the patient be healed completely; but this can be achieved only in accordance with divine and human rules. In his chapter on love melancholy in married couples, Ferrand is obviously fully aware that these rules are in many cases the cause of youthful distress. Acknowledging that marriage is not a guaran- tee against the disease, he admits that love melancholy in married couples is usually the result of the animosity arising in a couple that was forced to marry and consequently sought love outside the marriage bonds”. (Michal Altbauer-Rudnik)

Ferrand declares: “No physician would refuse to someone suffering from erotic mania or melancholy the enjoyment of the object of desire in marriage, in accordance with both divine and human laws, because the wounds of love are cured only by those who made them.”    (Love, Madness and Social Order: Love Melancholy in France and England in the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries. Michal Altbauer-Rudnik)

 

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Madan notes that “If Robert Burton was acquainted with the first edition of this book, as he may well have been, there can be little doubt that he has taken or imitated the general method and treatment of the subject, in his Anatomy of Melancholy”. Burton certainly owned a copy of the Paris 1623 edition (N. K. Kiessling, The Library of Robert Burton, Oxford, 1988, no. 566).The Inquisition showed an interest, and tried Ferrand for heresy. Today, the work provides a rare insight into 17th century understandings of anxiety, depression, love relations. Robert Burton devoted more than a third of The Anatomy of Melancholy, published in Oxford in 1621, to a discussion of love melancholy.

 

HERE THERE IS A reciprocal connection between disease and society; we can trace on the one hand the way the social world shapes the course of an illness and on the other hand the way the symptoms of an illness shape the social world.

 

References

  1. The Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 20, No. 1 (Spring, 1989), pp. 41-53
  2. Lydia Kang MD & Nate Pederson. Quackery: A Brief History of the Worst Ways to Cure Everything “Bleed Yourself to Bliss” (Workman Publishing Company; 2017)
  3. Lesel Dawson, Lovesickness and Gender in Early Modern English Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008),
  4. Michal Altbauer-Rudnik. Love, Madness and Social Order: Love Melancholy in France and England in the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries (Gesnerus 63 (2006) 33–45)                                                                                                    

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QUOTED FROM https://parthenissa.wordpress.com

Erotomania

Which brings us to Erotomania. Originally written in French by Jacques Ferrand in 1623, it is a textbook that discusses the diagnosis and treatment of lovesickness. Translated into English in 1640, Erotomania is prefaced by a series of poems by various Christ Church wits. Rather in the tradition of Coryat’s Crudities, these poems are largely performative, a communal university game that ironises the text they preface and which jokingly frame the book itself as a prophylactic. The first poem, by W. Towers, plays on the conceit that the lovesick reader must have made a mistake in buying the volume, that (s)he has picked it up not for medical reasons but has mistaken it for a pleasurable romance: “Thou, that from this Gay Title, look’st no high’r/Then some Don Errant, or his fullsome Squire”. F. Palmer mock-prophesises the world turned on its head: “The World will all turne Stoicks, when they find/This Physick here”… “Men, as in Plagues, from Marriage will be bent/And every day will seem to be in Lent”

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Prefatory material aside, Erotomania consists of 39 detailed chapters discussing the treatment of love melancholy from surgical remedies to potions. It’s less of a manual than a quasi-conduct book – there are no diagrams, unlike in Ambroise Paré’s works. The physician must devise remedies that are not just physical but moral. Ferrand declares in his introduction: “My chiefest purpose is, to prescribe some remedies for the prevention of this disease of Love, which those men for the most part are subject unto, that have not the power to governe their desires, and subject them to Reasons Lawes: seeing that this unchast Love proves oftentimes the Author of the greatest Mischiefes that are in the world (p4)

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Therapeutic bloodletting, the letting go of a plethora of blood and heat, as much about the control of a patient’s desire and therefore his (usually his) behaviour. In Chapter 38, entitled Chirurgicall Remedies for Love-Melancholy, Ferrand advises: “If the Patient be in good plight of body, fat and corpulent, the first thing wee doe, we must let him bleed, in the Hepatica in the right arme, such a proportionable quantity of blood, as shal be thought convenient both for his disease, complexion, and strength of body…. Phlebotomy makes those that are sad, Merry: appeaseth those that are Angry: and keeps Lovers from running Mad.”

In other words, bloodletting regulates social behaviour. The unruly humoral body must be tamed. Gail Kern Paster’s The Body Embarrassed is the key critical work here; she has brilliantly drawn on Norbert Elias’s theories of the way that violence, bodily functions (including sexual) are ‘civilised’ by ever-increasing thresholds of shame. Paster makes the connection between the disciplining of humoral fluids and the way that the Bakhtinian grotesque and carnivalesque becomes tamed by the classical body. Her study of Middleton’s city comedies and Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar explores the inflections of gender. Anxieties around the ‘leaky vessel’ of the female body, whether through menstruation or urine, underlines the increasing ideological investment in female intactness that becomes a system of control and decorum. (Nowadays the female body is disciplined by the baby diets in Closer magazine and the Daily Mail sidebar of shame. But I digress.)

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Please visit us at the 2019 Bibliography Week Showcase Thursday January 24, 10-4 French Institute/Alliance Française 22 E 60th Street New York, NY 10065

Bibilography Final_hires.jpegimg_0420

Here is my NYC list.. if anything is of interest let me know asap and I’ll give you a great price.!  (Well maybe)

234J Magister Adam   also  Raymmundus de Pennaforti.
Su[m]mula clarissimi iurisco[n]sultissimiq[ue] viri Raymu[n]di :
[Cologne]: [Retro Minores18 July 1500 $ 9,500

245J William of Auxerre, c.1150-1231
Summa aurea
Parisiis: Pigoucheti 3 Apr. 1500. $27,000

930G Thomas Aquinas ed. Theodoricus de Susteren.
Summa de veritate
Cologne : Quentell, 7 Mar. 1499 $12,500

998G Bernardus Basinus 1445-1510
De magicis artibus et magorum maleficiis
Paris : Antoine Caillaut, $ 28,000

242G Abbot Berno Augiensis (of Reichenau). (987-1048)
Libellus de officio Missæ, quem edidit Rhomæ
[Argentorati]: [In aedibus Schurerianis], 1511 $ 5,500

10H Anicius Manlius Torquatus Severinus Boethius 480-525
De Consolatione Philosophiae : Add: Pseudo- Boethius: De disciplina scholarium (Comm: pseudo- Thomas Aquinas)
[Lyons: Guillaume Le Roy],1487 $16,000

262J Saint Bonaventura (1217-1274)
Vita christi. (Meditationes vitae Christi)
[Paris: Philippe Pigouchet, about 1487]. $11,000

945G Eusebius of Caesarea c. 260-c. 340
Praeparatio evangelica
[ Cologne, Ulrich Zel, not after 1473] $18,000

172J [Printed Book of Hours (Use of Rome) on vellum.
Ces presentes heures a lusaige de Ro[m]me ont este faictes pour Simon Vostre Libraire domourant a Paris a la rue neuue nostre dame a le enseigne sainct Jehan l’evangeliste.
Paris [Pigouchet per] Simon Vostre, 16 Sept 1500. $18 ,000

622G Athansius Kircher 1602-1680
Ars Magna Sciendi, (tomes 1&2)
Amsterdam: Janssonium à Waesberge, & Viduam Elizei Weyerstraet, 1669 $11,500

957G Richard Mediavilla [Middleton], d. 1302/3
Commentum super quartem Sententarium..
Venice: Christophorus Arnoldus, [circa 1476-7]. $22,000

904G Theophilus Metcalfe active 1649.
Manuscript copy of : Short-writing
England: after 1689 and before 1717 $5,500

238J Peregrinus of Opole (1305-12, 1322-27) Jacobus de Voragine (1229-1298) & Nicolaus de Dinkelsbuel (1360-1433) Peregrinus: Sermones de tempore et de sanctis. Add: Jacobus de Voragine: Quadragesimale. Nicolaus de Dinkelsbuel: Concordantia in passionem dominicam
[Ulm: Johann Zainer, not after 1479] (A copy now in Munich BSB has an ownership inscription dated 1479) $19,000

145J Paulus Pergulensis ca -1451.
Logica magistri Pauli Pergulensis.
Venice: Emericus, de Spira, 22 Feb. 1495/96 $12,500
233J De Monte Rochen (active around 1330)
Manipulus Curatoru[m
Unassigned, 24 March 1497 [Lyons: Printer of Persius] $7,800
252J. Timothy Rogers (1658-1728)
A discourse concerning trouble of mind and the disease of melancholly
London : Printed for Thomas Parkhurst $2, 800

235JNicolaus Tygrinus or Tegrinus or Tegrini (1448-1527)
Lucensium Oratio Luculentissima Maximo Alexandro Sexto
[Rome], [Andreas Freitag ],15 October 1492 $5,900
246J Gerardus de Zutphania (1367-1398)
[ De spiritualibus ascensionibus.] Add: David de Augusta: De exterioris et interioris hominis compositione Lib. II, 1 (De quatuor in quibus incipientes deo servire debent esse cauti)
[Basel : Amerbach and Langendorff, not after 1489]. $13,000

189J Anonymous; attributed to George Joye
Our sauiour Iesus Christ hath not ouercharged his chirche with many ceremonies.
[At Zijrik] [i.e. Antwerp : Ruremond?], [1543] $9,000

188J New Testament [Estienne, Robert.]
Τῆς Καινῆς Διαθήκης άπαντα Nouum Testamentum..
[Paris]: Roberti Stephani Regiis typis, 1550. $18,000

226JNew Testament.
The Nevv Testament of Iesus Christ, in the English College of Rhemes.
Printed at Rhemes : By Iohn Fogny, 1582. $45,000

200J Bible Hebrew Robert Stephanus I. (1503-1559
Biblia hebraica cum punctis Vol 1-8
Parisiis : Roberti Stephani, ,1539-1544 $25,000

187J Thomas Cranmer (1489-1556)
A Defence of The True and Catholike doctrine
London : Reynold Wolfe. [1550] $28,000

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186JDesiderius Erasmus von Rotterdam (1466-1538)
The First Tome (and second) or Volume of the Paraphrase of Erasmus upon the newe testament.
London: Whitchurche, Januarie, 1548. $38,000

261J Marcus Tullius Cicero edited by Jacques-Louis Strébée
M. Tullii Ciceronis ad M. Brutum oratorJacobi Lodoici Strebaei commentariis ab authore ipso recognitis illustratus.
Parisiis : ex officina Michaëlis. Vascosani, 1540 $4,200   img_0571

175J Martin Luther (1483-1546)
Ein Brieff D.M. Luther Wider die Sabbather : an einen guten Freund.
Wittemberg , 1538 $6,000

197J Martin Luther (1483-1546)
Vrsach vnd antwort. das Junckfrawen. Kloster. Götlich verlassen mügen.
Augsburg : Heinrich von Steiner 1523 $5,000

171J Ulrich Zwingli (1484-1531)
Qvo pacto ingenvi adolescentes forma[n]di
Basileae : Apud Joannem Bebelium,1523 $12,800

275J James Ferrand
Εροτομανια Or A Treatise Discoursing of the Essence, Causes, Symptomes, Cure of Love, or EROTIQUE MELANCHOLY.
Oxford: by L. Lichfield , 1640. $6,900

Larger descriptions Below, full descriptions are available! as well as lots of images! 

 
234J Magister Adam [de Aldersbach ](d1408.) also Raymmundus de Pennaforti. (1180-1275)

“Su[m]mula clarissimi iurisco[n]sultissimiq[ue] viri Raymu[n]di : demu[m] reuisa ac castigatissime correcta : breuissimo co[m]pe[n]dio sacrame[n]torum alta co[m]plectens mysteria. de sortilegis. symonia. furto. rapina. vsura. etq[ue] [sic] varijs casibus”

[Cologne]: [Retro Minores, for Heinrich Quentell], 18 July 1500 $ 9,500

Quarto. 8 x5 ½ inches : a-s6 t-v4 x-z6 (lacking one leaf x2 ( folio cxvii) aa-cc6 dd4.. This copy is bound in late 19th century quarter calf & marbled paper boards, rubbed with, light soiling and water stains. Numerous early or contemporary notes. And three full pages of notes at the end.

An epitome in verse of Raymond of Peñafort’s Summa de poenitentia et matrimonio, with commentary and interlinear glosses. More than simply a list of sins and suggested penances, it discussed pertinent doctrines and laws of the Church that pertained to the problem or case brought to the confessor, and is widely considered an authoritative work on the subject

Copies in the U.S.:
1)Harvard
2)Library of Congress,
3)Univ. of California
4)Yale Univ.

Goff A48; H 13710*; Voull(K) 998; Pell Ms 9995 (9785); Polain(B) 11; IBE 29; IDL 11; IBP 21; Voull(B) 996; Sack(Freiburg) 21; Wilhelmi 1; Kind (Göttingen) 1214; Walsh 467; Pr 1366; BMC I 292; BSB-Ink A-23; GW 216.
The first medieval theologian to develop a systematic treatise on free will, the virtues, and the natural law.

245J Guillermus Altissodorensis, or William of Auxerre, c.1150-1231

Summa aurea in quattuor libros sententiarum : a subtilissimo doctore Magistro Guillermo altissiodore[n]si edita. quam nuper amendis q[uam]plurimis doctissimus sacre theologie professor magister Guillermus de quercu diligenti admodum castigatione emendauit ac tabulam huic pernecessariam edidit

Parisiis: Pigoucheti 3 Apr. 1500. $27,000

Folio, A-z8, §8ç8A-M8, N10, A-B6, C8.

FIRST EDITION of the major work by William of Auxerre., William treats creation, natural law, the nature of man, a tripartite God, usury, end the Last Judgment, disquisition on usury and the natural law basis of economic matters among other topics. He applies the critical reasoning of classical philosophy to that of scholastic philosophy.
The “Summa Aurea”, which is not, as it is sometimes described, a mere compendium of the “Books of Sentences” by Peter the Lombard. Both in method and in content it shows a considerable amount of originality, although, Summæ it discusses many problems neglected by the Lombard and passes over others. It is divided into four books: The One and True God (bk. 1); creation, angels, and man (bk. 2); Christ and the virtues (bk. 3); Sacraments and the four last things (bk. 4).
Us copies:
Astrik L. Gabriel, Notre Dame IN,
Boston Public, Bryn Mawr, Columbia ,
Huntington, Univ.of Chicago, Univ. of Wisconsin
Goff G718; BMC VIII, 122 ; GW 11861; Proctor 8206 ; Polain 1787 ; Bod-inc G-295; Sheppard 6326; Pr 8206;

“Truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing”

930G Thomas Aquinas 1225-1274. editor Theodoricus de Susteren.

Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris s[an]cti Thome Aquinatis. que olim … me[n]dis scatebat. Nouissime iam per … magistru[m] nostru[m] Theodericum de Susteren co[n]uentus Coloniens[is] fratru[m] predicatoru[m] regentem … laboriose reuisa … feliciter incipit.

Cologne : Heinrich Quentell, 7 Mar. 1499 $12,500
Folio 10 1/2 X 8 inches 2°: A-Z6,Aa-Gg6; {signature Dd signed De} Third Edition, the final 15th century edition.

Summa de veritate celeberrimi doctoris sancti Thome Aquinatis…”First written around 1256, Thomas Aquinas’ “Disputed Questions on Truth” defends “the view that truth consists of an adequation between the intellect and a thing. Aquinas develops a notion of truth of being (“ontological truth”) along with truth of the intellect (what might be called “logical truth”)” (Wippel, 295)
US COPIES
Columbia University, Huntington,
Library of Congress,
Mass Historical Society, Yale.

Only one Copy in The British Isles (BL)
Goff T181; 1; H 1421*; C 564?; Sack(Freiburg) 3419; Rhodes(Oxford Colleges) 1694; Pr 1353B; BMC I 289.

998G Bernardus Basinus 1445-1510

De magicis artibus et magorum maleficiis
(Tractatus exquisitissimus de magicis artibus et ma//gorum maleficiis, per sacre scientie Parisiensem doctorem ma//gistrum Bernardum Basim, canonicum Cesaraugusta//nensem, in suis vesperis compilatus. )
Paris : Antoine Caillaut,1491-1492?

(Dated by CIBN: Bibliothèque Nationale. Catalogue des incunables. T. I (Xylographes, A-G);. Paris, 1981-2014. B-182) $ 28,000

Quarto. 7 ¾ x 5 ¼ inches a8 b6. 14 of 14 leaves. This copy is bound recently in older limp vellum. Second Edition. First Published in 1483, (Goff B-279 listing four copies)

This treatise on magical practices was based on a speech Basin delivered in Paris before an assembly of cardinals in 1482. Basin was born 1445 in Zaragoza and he received his Doctors degree in Paris, having study there theology and canon law. In nine propositions he explains how people enlist the help of demons and if the practise of such diabolic magic makes a person a heretic. Basin states that magic arts, such as involving the invocation of demons and pacts must be been prohibited by all laws, civil and canon alike.

Only one copy in the US
: (not in Goff) Southern Methodist Univ., Bridwell Library

Not in Goff: Dated by CIBN; Pell (Lyon) 40; Bod-inc B-132; Sheppard 6190; Pr 7967; BSB-Ink B-233; GW 3720 ; CIBN B-182; Aquilon 89; Parguez 146.

242G Abbot Berno Augiensis (of Reichenau). (987-1048)
Libellus de officio Missæ, quem edidit Rhomæ
[Argentorati]: [In aedibus Schurerianis], 1511 $ 5,500
Quarto 8 X 5 ½ inches A-B8, C5 (lacking C6 blank)
This copy is bound in modern vellum backed boards. This copy is large and clean and beautifully rubricated throughout. Berno was the Abbot of Reichenau from his appointment by Henry II, Holy Roman Emperor, in 1008 on. He worked on the reformation of the Gregorian chant.

Following the reforms initiated under Abbot Immo, who imposed the Benedictine rule at Reichenau, Berno’s enlightened guidance the abbey reached its peak as a centre of learning, with a productive scriptorium, as a centre of Bendictine monasticism and eleventh-century liturgical and musical reforms in the German churches. At Reichenau he erected the tall western tower and transept that stand today on the island site of Reichenau-Mittelzell. [ UNESCO World Heritage Site #218] One of his most famous students was Hermann of Reichenau, who transmitted Arabic mathematics and astronomy to central Europe.
Muller, Bibl. Strasbourgeoise II, S. 179; VD 16 B-2051
No copy of this Edition in North America.

10H Anicius Manlius Torquatus Severinus Boethius 480-525

De Consolatione Philosophiae : Sacti thome de aquino super libris boetii de solatoe philosophie comentum cu expositione feliciter incipit. [fol. 168 recto:] In diui Seuerini Boetij de scolarium disciplina commentarium feliciter incipit.. Add: Pseudo- Boethius: De disciplina scholarium (Comm: pseudo- Thomas Aquinas)

[Lyons: Guillaume Le Roy],1487 $16,000
Folio 9 ½ X 6 ¾ inches. 235 leaves of 238. lacking Only three blanks: x6, A1, and I8;

a2-8,b-v8 (a1 blank and lacking) x6; A2-8, B-I8. 45 lines of commentary, which surrounds the text, to a page. Ff. 1, 166, 167, 238, blank, are wanting. 235 of 238 leaves.

Boethius became the connecting link between the logical and metaphysical science of antiquity and the scientific attempts of the Middle Ages. His influence on medieval thought was still greater through his De consolatione philosophiae (written while in prison at Pavia) and the theological writings attributed to him. Whether Boethius was a Christian has been doubted; and it is certain that the Consolatio makes no mention of Christ, and all the comfort it contains it owes to the optimism of the Neoplatonic school and to the stoicism of Seneca. Nevertheless, for a long time the book was read with the greatest reverence by all Christendom, and its author was regarded as a martyr for the true faith” (Schaff-Herzog). GW ascribes the commentary on De consolatione to Thomas Waleys.
The colophon has an interesting Acrostic reading
“CONRADUS”
Not in Goff. H 3402; C 1103 = 1114; Pell 2502 & 2557; CIBN B-576; Hillard 431; Aquilon 149; Arnoult 309; Parguez 229; Péligry 196; Polain(B) 4217; IGI 1827; Kind (Göttingen) 232; Pr 8513A; BMC VIII 238.
262J Saint Bonaventura (1217-1274)

Vita christi. (Meditationes vitae Christi)

[Paris: Philippe Pigouchet, about 1487]. $11,000

[Originally assigned by BL to Caillaut and sometimes attributed to Johannes de Caulibus (BBFN Inc p.119f)]

Quarto 7 3/4 x 5 1/2 inches a-i8. 72 leaves of 72. This copy is completely rubricated, paragraph signs and underlining in red, and bound in an early (but later) limp vellum binding.
This work’s precise date of composition, and its author, has occasioned much debate. Until the late nineteenth century, it was traditionally ascribed to Bonaventure. Once it was realised that the work was not by him, but by an unknown author, the ascription was changed to pseudo-Bonaventure, now of unknown author. It has since been thought to be the work of a Franciscan friar.
Newly discovered documentary evidence showed that the work was indeed that of a Franciscan, and was written around 1300 by Jacobus de Sancto Geminiano, who is also identifiable as the leader of a revolt of Tuscan spirituals, one of the Fraticelli, in 1312.
The work’s popularity in the Middle Ages is evidenced by the survival of over two hundred manuscript copies, including seventeen illuminated ones. The popularity of the work increased further with early printed editions, with a surviving Venetian blockbook of 1497.

The work’s detailed evocations of moments from the Gospels influenced art, and it has been shown to be the source of aspects of the iconographyof the fresco cycle of the Life of Christ in the Scrovegni Chapel by Giotto. It has also been credited with inspiring the great increase in depictions of the Veil of Veronica from the late 14th century.
World wide holdings:

British Library (IA.40282)
British Isles Cambridge,
France Cambrai BM, Metz BM,Troyes
BM (2)Valognes BM (imperfect)
Vire BM (copy destroyed),
Germany Isny NikolaiK,
Sweden Stockholm Swedish anonymous
Switzerland Luzern ZB,
Ukraine Kiev NL

Number of holding institutions 11

Not In Goff ; BMC VIII 112; GW 4747;Pell 2698; Arnoult 329; Girard 125; SI 855; Leuze(Isny) 165; Oates 3068.
The “Praeparitio” is a gigantic feat of erudition

945G Eusebius of Caesarea c. 260-c. 340

Eusebius Pa[m]phili de eua[n]gelica preparac[i]o[n]e ex greco in latinu[m] translatus Incipit feliciter.

[ Cologne, Ulrich Zel, not after 1473] $18,000

Folio 10 ¾ x 7 ¾ inches. [a]12, [b-o]10, [p]8 152 of 152 leaves

One of the earliest editions most likely the Second, (editio princeps : Venice 1470)

This copy contains the fifteen books of the “Praeparatio evangelica,” whose purpose is “to justify the Christian in rejecting the religion and philosphy of the Greeks in favor of that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not observing the Jewish manner of life […] “The following summary of its contents is taken from Mr. Gifford’s introduction to his translation of the “Praeparitio:

The first three books discuss the threefold system of Pagan Theology: Mythical, Allegorical, and Political. The next three, IV-VI, give an account of the chief oracles, of the worship of demons, and of the various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doctrines of Fate and Free Will. Books VII-IX give reasons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the excellency of their Scriptures and the truth of their history. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the Greeks had borrowed from the older theology and philosphy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the supposed dependence of Plato upon Moses. In the the last three books, the comparson of Moses with Plato is continued, and the mutual contradictions of other Greek Philosphers, especially the Peripatetics and Stoics, are exposed and criticized.”

The “Praeparitio” is a gigantic feat of erudition, and according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120), was, like many of Eusebius’ other works, actually composed during the stress of the persecution. It ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to the Church History in importance, because of its copious extracts from ancient authors, whose works have perished.” (CE)

It is also very interesting because of its numerous lively fragments from historians and philosophers which are nowhere else preserved, e.g. a summary of the writings of the Phoenician priest Sanchuniathon, or the account from Diodorus Siculus’ sixth book of Euhemerus’ wondrous voyage to the island of Panchaea, and writings of the neo-Platonist philosopher Atticus.

Goff E119; BMC I 194
U. S COPIES
Boston Public Library
Indiana Univ.,
The Lilly Library (- 2 ff.)
YUL);

172J [Printed Book of Hours (Use of Rome) on vellum.

Hours of the Blessed Virgin MARY

Ces presentes heures a lusaige de Ro[m]me ont este faictes pour Simon Vostre Libraire domourant a Paris a la rue neuue nostre dame a le enseigne sainct Jehan l’evangeliste.
Paris [Philippe Pigouchet per] Simon Vostre, 16 Sept 1500. $18 ,000

Quarto 8 1/4 x 5 1/2 inches. a-l 8; A 8: 88 of 96 leaves printed on vellum. The “Sensuiuent les sept pseaulmes en françoys lacking (the second A 1-8 lacking “not surprisingly other copies are lacking the final ‘A’ quire).

The present Horae are illustrated with 22 full-page engravings in the text and numerous and smaller cuts, metalcut historiated and ornamental borders on every page, many with criblé grounds, depicting biblical scenes, the Virtues, the stag hunt, apple harvest and memento mori vignettes depicting including Pigouchet’s Dance of Death series (Claudin II, 53-53)

Goff H412; C 3106; Bohatta, H. Livres d’Heures;(1924) 730 = 705;
Lacombe 109; Pell Ms 5892 (5878); Castan(Besançon) 554; Adams H1007; GW 13263.
Listed copies:
Cambridge UL,
Oxford Bodley,
Quebec Laval UL (vell),
Besançon BM,
Paris BN ,
NO copies in the US.

“ Nothing is more beautiful than know all things”

622G Athansius Kircher 1602-1680

Ars Magna Sciendi, In XII Libros digesta. Qua Nova & Universali Methodo Per Artificiosum Combinationum contextum de omni re proposita plurimis & prope infinitis rationibus disputari, omniumque summaria quædam cognitio compari potest… (tomes 1&2)

Amsterdam: Apud Joannem Janssonium à Waesberge, & Viduam Elizei Weyerstraet, 1669 $11,500

Folio 14 ½ X 9 inches *4, **4, A-Z4, Aa-Gg4-Zz4, Aaa-Ooo4, Ppp6.
First edition. This copy is bound in full original calf with a gilt spine with an expertly executed early rebacking. The vovell sheets are present but not cut or placed. And two very large foldouts A complete copy with the usual browing.

Ars Magna Sciendi’ is Kircher’s exploration and development of the ‘Combinatoric Art’ of Raymond Lull, the thirteenth century philosopher. Kircher attempts in this monumental work to classify knowledge under the nine ideal attributes of God, which were taken to constitute the pattern for all creation. In the third chapter of this book is presented a new and universal version of the Llullistic method of combination of notions. Kircher seems to be convinced that the Llullistic art of combination is a secret and mystical matter, some kind of esoteric doctrine. In contrast with Llull, who used Latin words, words with clearly defined significations for his combinations, Kircher began filling the tables with signs and symbols of a different kind. By doing this Kircher was attempting to penetrate symbolic representation itself. (forming a ‘symbolic-Logic)
Kircher tried to calculate the possible combinations of all limited alphabets (not only graphical, but also mathematical). He considered himself a grand master of decipherment and tried to (and thought he did) translate Egyptian hieroglyphic texts, he felt that knowledge was a process of encoding and decoding. His tabula generalis, the more mathematical way of thinking created the great difference between Llull and Kircher.
Sommervogel 1066.28; Merrill 22; Ferguson I. 467; Brunet III, 666; Caillet II, 360.5771; Clendening 10.17; De Backer I, 429-30.23; Graesse IV, 21; Reilly #26.
957G Richard Mediavilla [Middleton], d. 1302/3

Commentum super quartem Sententarium..

Venice: Christophorus Arnoldus, [circa 1476-7] $22,000

Folio 12 ¼ 9 ¼ inches. a-z10 [et]10 [cum]10 [per]10 A 10 B-D8 (D8v blank and aa1r blank) aa8 bb10 cc8 {320 leaves complete}

Middleton’s Commentary on Peter Lombard’s ‘Sentences’ was probably begun in 1281 and was completed in 1284, when he became regent master of the Franciscan school in Paris, a post he held until 1287. The chief characteristic of his Commentary is its sober assessment of many of the positions of Thomas Aquinas. However, the tone of his eighty Quodlibet Questions, produced during his regency, is much more critical and on many issues shows a strong anti-Thomist reaction. In this they have more in common with his disputed questions, which were argued after the condemnations of 1277 but before his Sentences commentary. The latter commentary has been edited along with his Quodlibet Questions. A small number of his disputed questions have also been edited, as have six of his sermons.

Furthermore; nine questions (23 to 31) in this volume form a veritable treatise on demonology, a rare type in the thirteenth century. Mediavilla’s remark is singular: he is the only thinker who gives autonomy of existence to the demon, in the framework of a rational description.
Mediavilla focuses on the present of the devil and its modes of action on men. He is the great thinker of the demonic turn of the 1290s.
This text offers one of the origins of a Western genre, the “novel of Satan”
The questions of volume IV
23. Did the first sin of the angel come from a good principle?
24. Can the angel at the moment of his creation sin?
25 . In the first sin of the angel, was the comparison of the creature anterior, according to the order of nature, to the distancing from God?
26. Was the first sin of the angel pride?
27 . Did the evil angel repent of his pride?
28 . In the evil angels, does sin follow another sin without end?
29. Does the sorrow of the evil angels leave her with a certain joy?
30 . Would the evil angels not be?
31 . Can bad angels play our sensations?
See also Satan the Heretic: The Birth of Demonology in the Medieval West November 15, 2006 by Alain Boureau (Author), Teresa Lavender Fagan (Translator)

The ISTC shows two US copies
St Louis Univ., Pius XII Memorial Library (-)
Yale – i.e. both defective) add UCLA.
Goff M-424; BMC V 206.

904G Theophilus Metcalfe active 1649.

Manuscript copy of : Short-writing, the most easie, exact, lineal, and speedy method that hath ever been obtained, or taught. Composed by Theophilus Metcalfe, author and professor of the said art. The last edition. With a new table for shortning of words. Which book is able to make the practitioner perfect without a teacher. As many hundreds in this city and elsewhere, that are able to write sermons word for word, can from their own experience testifie.

England: after 1689 and before 1717 $5,500
Octavo 6 x 4 inches . 55, [7]pp. + portrait of author. The last section of 7 pp. contains Directions for Book-keeping after the Italian Method.
This manuscript is bound in full modern calf. This copybook manuscript is taken from the last edition published by Metcalfe. The entire work is done with remarkable calligraphy. This is a rare copy manuscript item with complementary addendum on Italian Book-Keeping.

Theophilus Metcalfe (bap. 1610 – c.1645) was an English stenographer.
He invented a shorthand system that became popular, in particular, in New England, where it was used to record the Salem witch trials.

Metcalfe was A professional writer and teacher of shorthand, Metcalfe in 1645 resided in the London parish of St Katharine’s by the Tower. He died that year or early in 1646, when his widow assigned rights to reissue the book of his system. Metcalfe published a stenographic system very much along the lines of Thomas Shelton’s Tachygraphy. The first edition of his work was entitled Radio-Stenography, or Short Writing and is supposed to have been published in 1635. A so-called sixth edition appeared at London in 1645. It was followed in 1649 by A Schoolmaster to Radio-Stenography, explaining all the Rules of the said Art, by way of Dialogue betwixt Master and Scholler, fitted to the weakest capacities that are desirous to learne this Art. Many editions of the system appeared under the title of Short Writing: the most easie, exact, lineall, and speedy Method that hath ever yet been obtained or taught by any in this Kingdome.
238J Peregrinus of Opole (1305-12, 1322-27) Jacobus de Voragine (1229-1298) & Nicolaus de Dinkelsbuel (1360-1433) Peregrinus: Sermones de tempore et de sanctis. Add: Jacobus de Voragine: Quadragesimale. Nicolaus de Dinkelsbuel: Concordantia in passionem dominicam

Est autem huius operis ordo talis. Primo ponuntur sermones d[omi]nicales de tempore per anni circulu[m]. Secundo de sanctis, Tercio q[ua]dragesimale Jacobi de Foragine, Q[ua]rto concordantia quatuor euangelista[rum] in passiiones d[omi]nicam a magistro Nicolao Dinckelspubell collectam.”/ At end of leaf m8: “Sermones Peregrini de tempore finiunt.

[Ulm: Johann Zainer, not after 1479] (A copy now in Munich BSB has an ownership inscription dated 1479) $19,000

Folio. “Pars I (188): a-d8, e-k8/6, l-m8, A-C8, D-I8/6, K-N8; (N8 blank and removed) “Pars II (50.): a-f8/6, g8;” 3.”Pars III (40.): A-E8/ [276 (instead of 278) The two blank leaves are missing. 162 & 188
¶ Peregrinus of Opole, was a Silesian Dominican friar, Prior in Wrocław and Racibórz and Provincial of the Polish-East German Order Province. “The numerous manuscripts and early prints testify to the popularity of his ‘Sermones de tempore et de sanctis'” (LThK VIII, 82). He was twice elected a provincial of his Order and became designated an inquisitor of Wrocław by the pope John XXII. His major literary achievement is this twofold collection of Latin sermons: Sermones de tempore (sermons on the feasts of the liturgical year) and Sermones de sanctis (sermons on feasts of particular saints).

¶ Jacobus de Voragine wrote several series of sermons, The Lenten sermons (Quadragesimale) were written between 1277 and 1286. These sermons were only slightly less popular than his “Legend,” and also known as ‘Golden’ on account of their popularity (there are more than 300 known manuscript copies). The genre of the Sermones quadragesimale did not exist as a distinct genre before the 1260’s This Dominican best-seller author Jacopo da Voragine, and the works of preachers from his own generation, like Peregrinus von Opeln [See above] have a strong sermo modernus structure and contain numerous exempla drawn from the world of nature.

¶Nicolaus de Dinkelsbuel. Magister in 1390, BUT The ascription of the Concordantia to Nicolaus de Dinkelsbühl (c 1360-1433) is mistaken. Although he is known as the author of a passion story ( Collecta et praedicata de passione Christi. 1472). he did not produce a concordance to it, But he is in fact listed as one of the authors cited in the work. (See A Madre, Nicolaus de Dinkelsbühl, Leben und Schriften, 1965, p 310.)
Only two North American copies, both defective.
Harvard University (- ff 189-278)
Bryn Mawr College, (ff 239-278)

Goff P267; HC 12581*; C 4407; IGI 7404; IBP 4241; Madsen 3083; Voull(B) 2629,5; Hubay(Augsburg) 1582; Hubay(Eichstätt) 794; Borm 2059; Walsh 909; Rhodes(Oxford Colleges) 1340; BMC II 529; BSB-Ink P-183; GW M30917 – Wegener, Zainer 9 – BSB-Ink P-183 – Proctor 2542 ISTC ip00267000
145J Paulus Pergulensis ca -1451.

Logica magistri Pauli Pergulensis.

Venice: Johannes Emericus, de Spira, 22 Feb. 1495/96 $12,500

Quarto. 10 x 8 ½ inches. a-e8, f4 (44 0f 44) leaves (complete)
Italy, the centre of humanism, produced the best logicians of the Renaissance. Paulus Pergulensis (d. 1451) was a pupil of Paul of Venice, author of the Logica magna and parva.. Introducing the theory of reference, sometimes called supposition, is an explanation of the ways in which words refer to objects in function of certain linguisitc signs.

Paul of Venice maintains a threefold division: Material Reference, Simple Reference, and Personal Reference, all of which are identified. The present is a more succinct and highly systematized logic, composed entirely in the form of theses.
From 1420 to 1454 Pergulensis taught logic and natural philosophy, and then also mathematics, astronomy and theology, to the Venetian school of Rialto (founded in 1408 ), to which he gave a real university organization. He was nominated ( 1448 ) bishop of Koper, which he renounced so as not to leave the teaching. We are left of him, manuscripts or press, some treatises of logic ( Dubia in consequentias Strodi , De sensu composite and divided , In regulas insolubilium , De scire et dubitare , Compendium logicae ), in which he discusses the new logical doctrines of the Oxford school in Padua by Paolo Veneto.

Paul of Pergula became the first publicly paid lecturer in philosophy in Venice, where he was officially honored in a public ceremony. In 1448, he was offered a bishopric, which he refused, and at the end of his life he accepted the administration of the Church of Saint John Almoner. He translated some works of Aristotle from Greek to Latin and was considered “on a par with the renowned Greek and Latin philosophers” (Brown, pp. vi-vii). Depending on the Logica Parva of Paul of Venice, De sensu composito et diviso should be regarded as a “mosaic of the treasury of logic known at the time” (Brown, p. viii).

Lohr, C.H. “A Note on Manuscripts of Paulus Venetus, Logica,” Manuscripta, 17(1973), pp. 35-36; reprinted in Bulletin de philosophie medievale, 15 (1973), pp. 145-146.

US Copies
Princeton Univ (2)
The Newberry Library
Goff P195; H 12626; R 1314; Sander 5476; IBE 4363; IGI 7322; IBPort 1357; Horch(Rio) Suppl 13; Mendes 957; GW Not in Copinger or British museum Catalogue of books printed in the XVth century
233J De Monte Rochen (active around 1330)

Manipulus Curatoru[m]; qui ſumme quilibet ſacerdoti eſt neceſſarius et nucliam virtutis animarum ipſaſq[ue] redimendas a purgatoꝛio & eterna dā[m]pnatione: quo modo ad beatitudine pertingi valeant in ſe continet: ſumma cum diligentia coꝛrectus.

Colophon¶ Liber qui manipulus curatoꝛum inſcribitur: editus a peritiſſimo viro domino Guidone de monte rocherij: vna cum tabula eiuſdem. Finit feliciter. Anno di Milleſimo quadringenteſimo nonageſimo ſeptimo. Die vero viceſimaquarto menſis Marcij.
Unassigned, 24 March 1497 [Lyons: Printer of Persius] $7,800

Octavo 5 ½ x 3 ¾ inches. a-s8t4. This copy is bound in modern vellum over boards with a tie.

This little guide on the sacrements for novice priests was written by the fourteenth century Spanish Theologian. No doubt that this small size was to accomidate the Priest who needed to carry with him. This also explains the scarcity, now while in the fifteenth century Bast estimates that sales of this maunel, were three times those of Thomas Aquinas’ Summa Theologica. By the next century the Council of Trent and the creation of the Roman Catechism made this book obsolete in 1565. This edition is know in only three copies worldwide.

(Bast, Robert James (2000). Continuity and change: the harvest of late medieval and Reformation history: essays presented to Heiko A. Oberman on his 70th birthday. BRILL. p. 117. ISBN 978-90-04-11633-7.”)

CIBN differentiates a Printer of Guido de Monte Rochen from the Printer of Persius, who is there identified with Maillet (cf. CIBN S-334 and T-36) and GW identifiates tentatively the printer with Topié

Not in Goff; GW 11779; Kraus Cat. 182 no.125; IGI 4593 (& Tav. XVIII): CCIR G-73

Number of holding institutions 3
1) Italy Aosta Sem:
2) Romania Bucharest BN:
3) United States : Brown Univ.
252J. Timothy Rogers (1658-1728)
A discourse concerning trouble of mind and the disease of melancholly :
in three parts : written for the use of such as are, or have been exercised by the same subject.

London : Printed for Thomas Parkhurst, and Thomas Cockerill at the Bible and Three Crowns in Cheapside, and at the Three Legs in the Poultrey 1691. $2, 800
Octavo 6 ½ x 4 inches. A8 a-d8 e4 B-2E8
“Rogers was educated at Glasgow University, where he matriculated in 1673, and then studied under Edward Veal at Wapping. Rogers began his career in the dissenting ministry as evening lecturer at Crosby Square, Bishopsgate. Some time after 1682 he was struck down by a form of hypochondria, from which he recovered in 1690, and then became assistant to John Shower. Shower was then minister of the Presbyterian congregation in Jewin Street, and moved in 1701 to the Old Jewry Meeting-house. Rogers’s hypochondria returned, and in 1707 he left the ministry .(DNB)

Rogers cautions not to blame the devil for this depression:

“Rogers’s detailed instructions on how to care for patients suffering from `trouble of mind’, especially from `melancholly’ of the religious kind, are particularly valuable because they were written from personal experience; as the extract shows much of his advice can still be usefully applied by the psychiatrist and the psychiatric nurse today.
In his late twenties he had his first breakdown, ‘a deep and settled melancholy’ lasting two years. On his recovery he wrote this book as an offering ‘for his wonderful restoration’, to discharge ‘the Duty of those Persons whom God hath delivered from Melancholy, and from the anguish of their Consciences’ and to show `What is to be thought of those that are distracted with Trouble for their sins’. However he continued ever after subject to ‘a very unhappy dejection of mind . . . a prey to gloomy fears and apprehensions’, so that he was forced to retire into the country where he continued to manifest ‘though in a more contracted sphere, the same zeal for the honour of God, and for the salvation of the souls of men’.” (300 years of Psychiatry, Richard Hunter, 1963, p248)

Wing; R1848; Hunter p248

Copies – N.America
Harvard University, Newberry, National Library of Medicine, Union Theological Seminary, William Andrews Clark
University of Texas at Austin, Yale University, Medical School.

235J Nicolaus Tygrinus or Tegrinus or Tegrini (1448-1527)

Lucensium Oratio Luculentissima Pont. Maximo Alexandro Sexto per Nicolaum Tygrinu[m] Lucensem Vtriusq]ue] Iuris.

[Rome], [Andreas Freitag ],15 October 1492 $5,900

Quarto, A4. 7¾ x 5 inches First Edition (see below). This copy is bound in later black roan & gray boards, spine letters gilt. The binding is slightly worn, and the first leaf is slightly soiled. Ex-libris Walter Goldwater.

O
ration such as this are usually rare and short this one is both it is a tribute from the City of Lucca to the election of Pope Alexander VI. This is one of three almost simultaneously published prints of this on October 25, 1492 before the newly elected Borgia Pope Alexander VI. held this speech. – “”This was the typical ‘Oratio’ – in the style of the times, both florid and unctous – which extolled the virtues of the Pope, traits which subsequent events failed to confirm!”” (Bühler) According to Bühler’s study, The Freitag printing was preceded by the editions of Stephan Planck (in Roman type) , whose corrections Freitag employed in his edition.”

CF Bühler, The Earliest Editions of the “”Oratio”” (1492) by Nicolaus Tygrinus (in: Gutenberg JB 1975, pp. 97-99)”
United States of America
Walters Art Museum Library
Bryn Mawr College,
Library of Congress,
New York, Columbia
Huntington Library
Southern Methodist Univ
Yale
Goff T563; HC 15751*; Pell Ms 10972; CIBN T-51; Nice 209; IGI 9670; IBE 5542; BMC IV 137;

246J Gerardus de Zutphania (1367-1398)

[ De spiritualibus ascensionibus.] Tractatus de spiritualibus ascensionibus Add: David de Augusta: De exterioris et interioris hominis compositione Lib. II, 1 (De quatuor in quibus incipientes deo servire debent esse cauti)

[Basel : Johann Amerbach and Johann Petri de Langendorff, not after 1489]. $13,000
OCTAVO a-h8 i4./67 of 68 leaves. Lacking a1 title. Rubricated in red, initials painted in red, blue and green. Contemporary binding in full calf, with blind tooling, spine slightly rubbed Final page blank.

Even in the Brothers of the Common Life’s community of “plain living and high thinking” Gerard ZERBOLT was remarkable for his absorption in the sacred sciences and his utter oblivion of all matters of merely earthly interest. He held the office of librarian, and his deep learning in moral theology and canon law did the brothers good service, in helping them to meet the prejudice and opposition which their manner of life at first aroused. In Radewijns’ absence, Zerbolt assumed his responsibilities as rector.

This is the inaugural treatise by Gerard Zerbolt of Zütphen, described by Post (in “The Modern Devotion”) as “the most fertile and the most successful writer the Brothers [of the Common Life] ever produced.” Zerbolt was an early member of the “Devotio Moderna” and served as librarian to the Brethren of the Common Life in Deventer. Despite his lack of university training, he “was remarkable for his absorption in the sacred sciences and his utter oblivion of all matters of merely earthly interest.” (Cath. Ency.) Here, Zerbolt outlines how one can redeem the soul from its fallen state, moving to higher and higher levels through “self-knowledge, repentance, combat of sin, mortification, the practice of humility and obedience.” (Post)

U. S. COPIES
Boston Public Library
Bryn Mawr College,
Free Library of Philadelphia
Library of Congress, Ohio State
Huntington Library (2)
The Newberry Library
Univ. of HoustonYale University, (2)
Goff G177; ISTC,; ig00177000; Oates,; 2803; Bod-inc,; G-081; Pr,; 7638; BMC,; III:752; BSB-Ink,; G-127; GW,; 10689
189J Anonymous; attributed to George Joye

Our sauiour Iesus Christ hath not ouercharged his chirche with many ceremonies.

[At Zijrik] [i.e. Antwerp : Widow of C. Ruremond?], M.D.XLIII. in Febru. [1543] $9,000

Octavo, First and only edition A-B8 C6 .
Like Coverdale, Joye was probably also employed in the printing business as proofreader, translator, and author of religious books.
His first, now lost publication was a Primer, the first Protestant devotional book ever published in English. Based on contemporary accounts, it probably contained the translation of the seven penitential psalms, “Mattens and Euensong” with the Commendations (Psalm 119. The book was criticized by Thomas More for omitting the Litany of the Saints, the hymns and anthems to the Blessed Virgin, and the Dirge.
After the publication of his Primer, containing perhaps as many as thirty psalms, Joye set out to translate the rest of the Book of Psalms, which appeared in 1530. Joye used Martin Bucer’s recent Latin translation of the Hebrew text, which was published under the pseudonym Aretius Felinus. In the same year Joye produced a revised version of his earlier primer with the title Ortolus animae. The garden of the soule. In 1531, Joye’s translation of the Book of Isaiah appeared, which seems to have been intended as a twin volume to Tyndale’s translation of the Book of Jonah. In 1531 Joye also published a defence countering the charges of heresy put against him by Ashwell in 1527.
Butterworth and Chester suggest that Joye published the translations of the Book of Proverbs and of Ecclesiastes in 1533 in Antwerp, of which only later London reprints have survived. It is now also believed that Joye is the author of an anonymously published treatise entitled The Souper of the Lorde, which was earlier attributed to Tyndale. In this Joye described his position on the Eucharist, based on that of Zwingli. Joye’s translation of the Book of Jeremiah, of Lamentations, and a new translation of the Psalter followed (this time from the Latin Psalter of Zwingli, whose Latin commentaries and translations had also served as source texts for Joye’s translations of the other books of the Old Testament). All these translations were the first of these books ever printed in English. In 1534 Joye undertook the proofreading of Tyndale’s New Testament edition that had been reprinted three times without any English-speaking corrector by the Flemish printing firm of the family Van Ruremund. Joye, however, not only corrected the typographical errors, but he also changed the term “resurreccion” as found in Tyndale’s text by expressions such as “the lyfe after this” in some twenty occurrences of the word.[14] Joye believed, as he later explained, that the original term in the Bible in those places did not refer to the bodily resurrection but to the intermediate stateof the soul.[15] At the same time, Joye retained Tyndale’s original formulation at the some 150 other occurrences of the word, where he agreed with Tyndale that the term did refer to the bodily resurrection.[16] Tyndale reacted by bringing out his own revised version of his New Testament in November 1534, in which he inserted a second foreword attacking Joye and his editorial work. Tyndale accused Joye of promoting the heresy of the denial of the bodily resurrection and causing divisions among Protestants. After an inconclusive attempt to reconcile the parties, Joye published an apology to refute Tyndale’s accusations in February 1535.

STC (2nd ed.), 14556 Copies N.America
Folger ,Pierpont Morgan Library , University of Illinois
188J New Testament [Estienne, Robert.]

Τῆς Καινῆς Διαθήκης άπαντα Nouum Iesu Christi D.N. Testamentum. Ex Bibliotheca Regia.
[Paris]: Roberti Stephani Regiis typis, 1550. $18,000
Folio *8, **8, a-q8, r6; A-M8, N6. Bound in 17th century paneled calf, rebacked.

“This is universally recognized as the best-known and most influential of Robert Estienne’s works. Renouard went so far as to say that this volume alone would have sufficed to establish Robert Estienne’s reputation as scholar and printer. However, of all Robert Estienne’s publications, it is also the one most directly responsible for his departure to Geneva, following his final clash with the theologians of the Sorbonne, who saw in Estienne’s marginal variant readings an instance of the most brazen heresy.

“The volume is of great typographical importance as well, since it marks the first use of all three fonts of “grecs du roi”-the third and largest size was used here for the first time.
“on leaf **7 appears a long 72-line Greek poem, composed in Homeric idiom and meter, by Robert Estienne’s teen-age son, Henri; these verses (later reprinted in Henri’s own Greek Testaments) may represent his earliest published work. (Quoted from Schreiber’s catalogue, “The Estiennes” p. 97).
Adams B-1661; Schreiber, The Estiennes, 105; Darlow & Moule 4622. pp. 587-8. Cf. also: Scrivener-Miller, Introduction, i, p. 124, n.3 and ii, pp. 190-1; Ellis, Bentleii Critica Sacra, pp. xiv-xv; Hoskier, Full Account, passim. Mortimer I, # 78; Renouard p. 75, #1; Scholderer, Greek Printing Types, p.10.
226J New Testament.

The Nevv Testament of Iesus Christ, translated faithfully into English, out of the authentical Latin, according to the best corrected copies of the same, diligently conferred vvith the Greeke and other editions in diuers languages; vvith arguments of bookes and chapters, annotations, and other necessarie helpes, for the better vnderstanding of the text, and specially for the discouerie of the corruptions of diuers late translations, and for cleering the controversies in religion, of these daies: in the English College of Rhemes.

Printed at Rhemes : By Iohn Fogny, 1582. $45,000

Quarto 218 x 165 mm a-c4, d2, A-Z4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa-Zzz4, Aaaa-Zzzz4, Aaaaa-Ddddd4, Eeeeee2.

The First Catholic New Testament in English This copy is bound in seventeenth-century calf, sympathetically rebacked, with an attractive gold-tooled floral motif to the board edges. Internally, this copy is in very good condition with clean leaves. There is a little foxing to the first two leaves and a few trivial marginal tears. The upper margin is cut a bit close but the text is never affected.

“The ‘editio princeps’ of the Roman Catholic version of the New Testament in English. Translated from the Vulgate by Gregory Martin, under the supervision of William Allen and Richard Bristow. According to the “Douai Diaries”, Martin began the translation in October1578 and completed it in March 1582.

“The translation adheres very closely to the Latin, though it shows traces of careful comparison with the Greek. But its groundwork was practically supplied by the existing English versions, from which Martin did not hesitate t borrow freely. In particular there are very many striking resemblances between Martin’s renderings and those in Coverdale’s diglot of 1538. Martin’s own style is often disfigured by Latinisms.
“This Rheims New Testament exerted a very considerable influence on the King James version of 1611, transmitting to it not only an extensive vocabulary, but also numerous distinctive phrases and turns of expression. (See J.G. Carleton’s exhaustive analysis, The Part of Rheims in the Making of the English Bible. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1902.)

Pforzheimer, 68; Darlow & Moule 231; STC (2nd ed.), 2884; Herbert 177; Pierpont Morgan Library, The Bible 115; The Bible 100 Landmarks, 66; Bible in the Lilly Library 40.
200J Bible Hebrew Robert Stephanus I. (1503-1559

Biblia hebraica cum punctis [v. 1] Hamishah humshe Torah = Quinque libri legis. 1543.– [v. 2] Neviim rishonim = Prophetae priores. 1544.– Divre ha-yamim = Liber Paralipomenon. 1543.– [v. 3] Sefer Yesha`yah = Prophetia Isaiae. 1539.– Sefer Yirmeyahu = Prophetia Ieremiae. 1540.– Sefer Yehezkel = Ezechiel. 1542.– Sefer Iyov = Iob. 1541. [v. 4] Sefer Tere `asar = Duodecim Prophetae. 1539.– [v. 5] Sefer Tehilim = Psalterium. 1540.– Hamesh megilot = Canticum canticorum, Ruth, Lamentationes, Ieremiae, Ecclesiastes, & Ester. 1540. — [v. 6] Sefer Mishle = Prouerbia Salomonis. 1540.– [v. 7] Sefer Daniyel = Daniel. 1540.– [v. 8] Sefer Ezra = Esdras. 1541.

Parisiis : Ex officina Roberti Stephani, typographi regii,1539-1544 $25,000

Quarto Title from Renouard, Annales de l’imprimerie des Estienne] Robert Stephens’s first edition (Paris, 1539-44, 4 vols.). This was not published as a whole, but in parts, each having a title. The first part that was published was ישעיה ספר, or Prophetia Isaice (ibid. 1539). Of variations, we subjoin the following: 1, 25,!סיגי; ve. 29, מאלים 3:16, וּמשִׁקרוֹת 6:5, נדמתי; 8:6, השלּח (dagesh in ל); ren. 13, מערצכם; 10:15, ואת ver. 16, כבודו; ver. 18, כמסום; ver. 33, ישפרו, etc. The second part contained the twelve minor prophets (1539); the third, the Psalms (1540); the fourth, the Proverbs (1540); in the same year also Jeremiah, Daniel, the five Megilloth; in 1541, Job, Ezra, Ezekiel; in 1543, Chronicles, the former prophets, and the Pentateuch.
Adams; B-1221; BM STC France, 1470-1600,; p. 56; Darlow & Moule,; 5089, note; Armstrong, E. Robert Estienne (1954),; p. 32-33

187J Thomas Cranmer (1489-1556)

A Defence of The True and Catholike doctrine of the sacrament of the body and bloud of our sauiour Christ, with a confutation of sundry errors concernyng the same, grounded and stablished vpon Goddes holy woorde, & approued by ye consent of the moste auncient doctors of the Churche. Made by the moste Reuerende father in God Thomas Archebyshop of Canterbury, Primate of all Englande and Metropolitane.

Imprynted at London : in Paules Churcheyard, at the signe of the Brasen serpent, by Reynold Wolfe. Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum, anno Domini. M. D. L. [1550]

Quarto: *4, A-Z4, Aa-Gg4 $28,000
This copy is bound in contemporary, blind-stamped English calf with small medallion portrait rolls. The boards are composed of printer’s waste taken from John Bale’s ” Illustrium Maioris Britanniae Scriptorum” of 1548. The text block is backed with vellum manuscript fragments. Both the binding and the text are in strictly original condition.

In Cranmer’s response to Gardiner, “A Defence of the True and Catholike doctrine of the sacrament of the body and bloud of our sauiour Christ”, the archbishop offers a semi-official explanation of the Eucharistic theology that lay at the heart of his Prayer Book.
STC 6002 (with catchwords B4r “des”, S1r “before”.) Title page border: McKerrow & Ferguson 73; Printer’s device: McKerrow 119. References: Diarmaid MacCulloch, “Thomas Cranmer, A Life”; G.W. Broniley, “Thomas Cranmer, Theologian”.)
186J Desiderius Erasmus von Rotterdam (1466-1538)
The First Tome (and second) or Volume of the Paraphrase of Erasmus upon the newe testament.
Enpriented at London in fletestete at the signe of the sunne by Edwarde Whitchurche, the last daie of Januarie, 1548. $38,000

Two Small Folio volumes 7.6 x 10.75 in. First edition. Vol I: ( )6, (:)6, A-Q6, R4, (:)6, Aa6, B-O6 (leaf O6 blank and present), ¶6, (::)6, a-z6, aa-dd6, ee8, A-R6, S8, A-N6, O4 [lacking final leaf O4]. 565 leaves. “O4 is missing in all the copies examined, but it may be assumed that the recto is blank and the verso contains device McKerrow 107.” –Devereux.
Vol II: †6, ††6, ¶4, A-G6, H2, Aa-Ff6, Gg8, Hh-Kk6, Ll4, aa-cc6, dd4 (dd4 blank and present), ¶6 (¶6 blank and present), AA-BB6, CC4 (CC4 blank and present), AAa6, BBb4, aaaa6, bbbb4, AAAa-BBBb6 (BBBb6 blank and present), AAAA-EEEE6, FFFF4, AAAAa-DDDDd6, EEEEe4 (EEEEe4 blank and present), *2, ¶-¶H6, ¶I8, ¶¶A-¶¶F6, ¶¶G4. 362 leaves
Complete copies of these volumes are rare; complete “sets” extremely so. The “First Tome” and “Seconde Tome” are independent publications. Copies of the “First Tome”, which bear the generic date of January 1548 (“The date itself seems to be 1548, not 1548/9; copies were bought before the autumn of 1548”-Devereux). The “second Tome” was not begun until the autumn of 1548 and did not appear in print until 1549, with the date of August 16. Thus, few “sets” exist as such.
“The impact of Erasmus’ ‘Paraphrases’ was enormous. Like his edition of the Greek New Testament and his ‘Annotations’, the ‘Paraphrases’ made the Bible increasingly more accessible to ordinary people. In his dedicatory epistle to the paraphrase on Mark, Erasmus expresses satisfaction at seeing ‘Christian literature, and especially the New Testament, studied so eagerly by everyone, even laymen in private station, that professional experts in the Scriptures are quite often worsted by them in debate.’”(Erika Rummel)

STC 2854; Devereux’s first checklist C67.5; Devereux 26.4.5; II. STC 2866; Devereux’s first checklist C68.1; Devereux 26.5.1. See also: Darlow and Moule 73; E.J. Devereux, “English Translations of Erasmus 1522-1557”. For the bindings: Oldham, “English Blind-stamped Bindings”, p. 50 and Plate XLVI (#753 HE c (1)).

261J Marcus Tullius Cicero edited by Jacques-Louis Strébée ( 1480-1550)

M. Tullii Ciceronis ad M. Brutum oratorJacobi Lodoici Strebaei commentariis ab authore ipso recognitis illustratus.

Parisiis : ex officina Michaëlis. Vascosani, 1540 $4,200

Small Folio 8 X 6 1/2 inches . *6, A-08, P4, Q6 complete ([12], 224, [20])
Bound in modern carta rustic ,recently resewin on three leather cords It is bound in the style of mid-sixteenth century, thinner cartonnage with turn-ins to stabilize the edges of the cover. This is a very solid and stable copy, ready to be researched with, despite the water staining.

This copy has Extensive sixteenth-century MS marginal and interlineal annotations, underlinings etc., throughout; in Latin. There is inter linear notes on every section of Cicero’s text but very few notes on Strébée’s commentary.

Of the 224 pages, about 150 have notes in a small and sometimes very faint sixteenth century hand. On the Printed title there is quite a bit of pen-starts and doodles as well as faint ownership signatures . ( There is a copy in the University of Manchester Library UML copy at R229539, which is catalogued as having extensive notes as well.)
Before the Printed text the annotator has written an “Argumentum”
175J Martin Luther (1483-1546)

Ein Brieff D.M. Luther Wider die Sabbather : an einen guten Freund.

Wittemberg , 1538 $6,000
[Nickel Schirlenz]

Quarto, 6 ¾ x 5 inches A4-D4. This copy is bound in limp manscript vellum wrapper. From a 14th century Breviarium, forming a semi wallet.

This treatise was published by Luther in the form of an open letter. This is a responce to Luthers friend Graff Wolfgang Schlick. This Anti-Jewish polemic was to refute those who argued that Christians ought to observe practices of God’s covenant with Israel (the Old Testament, or Judaism) that Christians historically either had set aside or had changed with the coming of Christ, but which the Jewish people had continued to practice. One of these Old Testament practices, to observe the Sabbath on Saturday (rather than on Sunday, as Christians had done historically), gave rise to the name that Luther uses for his opponents: “the Sabbatarians.” In Part One of the work, Luther argues that God’s covenant with Israel, also called the Law of Moses, is not in force for
 Christians. Yet he goes on below to say that those parts of the Ten Commandments that are based on the universal moral law remain in force for everyone because that law preceded the Law of Moses.

Benzing 2394
197J Martin Luther (1483-1546)

Vrsach vnd antwort. das Junckfrawen. Kloster. Götlich verlassen mügen.

Augsburg : Heinrich von Steiner 1523 $5,000

Quarto 6 ¾ x 5 ½ inches. A4,B2 . Bound in 19th century boards.
This is a rare edition of the famous writing in which Luther verifies the asceticism of the church. The offense to this writing was the liberation of some nuns by Leonh.
The names of these nuns are mentioned at the end; among them also Luther’s later wife Katharina Bora.
VD16 L 6882; Benzing. Lutherbibliographie; 1989, 1565; |B|Luther: WA T,; 11, 389; Druck E; |B|Kratzsch: Verzeichnis der Lutherdrucke, Nr.; 453; Kuzynski 3299.
171J Ulrich Zwingli (1484-1531)

Qvo pacto ingenvi adolescentes forma[n]di sint, praeceptiones pauculae, Huldricho Zuinglio autore.
Basileae : Apud Joannem Bebelium,1523 $12,800

Octavo 6 x 4 inches.[12] f. ; 8° A8, B4. The very rare, First Edition, bound in manuscript vellum with a long tie.
This Book has been referred to by W. Boyd in his History of western Education 1964, as :
“ The first book to be written on education from a Protestant point of: view”
“Whereas critics deem it a loose collection of personal observations about raising teenagers, the treatise in fact contains a clear summary of the biblical principles supporting Christian education. More precisely, it is one of the first treatises to discuss nurture of the young from an explicitly Reformed point of view. And “On the Education of the Youth” makes an eloquent case for the role of education in developing the moral as well as intellectual qualities of the young. Zwingli makes observations about the basis of Reformed instruction, the formation of an upright moral character, and the service to others that should result from proper nurture.” … Zwingli states that the object of learning is the universe and all that it contains. As the created order, the universe is subservient to the Creator. When we study the elements that make up the universe, “we learn that all these things are changing and destructible, but that he who conjoined them … is necessarily unchanging and immutable (104).” Thus the very things studied by humans reveal that there is someone superior to them and their learning, namely God. As human creatures fashioned by the eternal, omnipotent God, mortals should be humbled rather than exalted in their learning. In studying things brought into existence by the word of God, we are “taught that all things are ordained by the providence of God (104).” Wisdom is not to be sought in human philosophies, for they are as mortal and fallible as the people who conceive them. Rather, since all the objects of human enquiry are in the hands of God, “if we desire wisdom or learning, we are taught to ask it of Him alone (105)” and to seek it in His infallible Word. (Huldrych Zwingli on Reformed Instruction) – Dr. R. Faber Taken With permission from Clarion Vol. 48, No. 1 (1999). VD 16, Z-855

275J James Ferrand

Εροτομανια Or A Treatise Discoursing of the Essence, Causes, Symptomes, Prognosticks, and Cure of Love, or EROTIQUE MELANCHOLY.

Oxford: by L. Lichfield to be sold by Edward Forrest, 1640. $6,900

Trouble of mind and the disease of melancholly

252J.  Timothy Rogers (1658-1728)

A discourse concerning trouble of mind and the disease of melancholly : in three parts : written for the use of such as are, or have been exercised by the same.

London : Printed for Thomas Parkhurst, and Thomas Cockerill at the Bible and Three Crowns in Cheapside, and at the Three Legs in the Poultrey 1691.                      $2, 800

IMG_0209

 

Octavo     inches. A8 (a)-(d)8 (e)4, B-2E8 ( leaf S7 pages 269/270 torn in the out margin affecting one word in each line) first Edition , bound in original calf boards neatly rebacked.

“Rogers was educated at Glasgow University, where he matriculated in 1673, and then studied under Edward Veal at Wapping.Rogers began his career in the dissenting ministry as evening lecturer at Crosby Square, Bishopsgate. Some time after 1682 he was struck down by a form of hypochondria, from which he recovered in 1690, and then became assistant to John Shower. Shower was then minister of the Presbyterian congregation in Jewin Street, and moved in 1701 to the Old Jewry Meeting-house.  Rogers’s hypochondria returned, and in 1707 he left the ministry .(DNB)

Rogers cautions not to blame the devil for this depression:

“Do not attribute the effects of mere Disease, to the Devil”, He describes how the mind can make the body sick: “If a Man, saith he, that is troubled in Conscience, come to a Minister, it may be, he will look all to the Soul, and nothing to the Body; if he come to a Physician, he considereth the Body, and neglecteth the Soul: for my part, I would never have the Physician’s Counsel despised, nor the Labour of the Minister neglected; because the Soul and Body dwelling together, it is convenient, that as the Soul should be cured, by the Word, by Prayer, by Fasting, or by Comforting; so the Body must be brought into some temperature, by Physick, and Diet, by harmless Diversions, and such like ways.” 

“Rogers’s detailed instructions on how to care for patients suffering from `trouble of mind’, especially from `melancholly’ of the religious kind, are particularly valuable because they were written from personal experience; as the extract shows much of his advice can still be usefully applied by the psychiatrist and the psychiatric nurse today. It appears from his biography prefixed to the third edition of his book (London 1808; a second edition appeared in 1706) that he came from a family in which several near relatives were similarly affected ‘so that his case might properly be called natural or hereditary’. In his late twenties he had his first breakdown, ‘a deep and settled melancholy’ lasting two years. On his recovery he wrote this book as an offering ‘for his wonderful restoration’, to discharge ‘the Duty of those Persons whom God hath delivered from Melancholy, and from the anguish of their Consciences’ and to show `What is to be thought of those that are distracted with Trouble for their sins’. However he continued ever after subject to ‘a very unhappy dejection of mind . . . a prey to gloomy fears and apprehensions’, so that he was forced to retire into the country where he continued to manifest ‘though in a more contracted sphere, the same zeal for the honour of God, and for the salvation of the souls of men’.” (300 years of Psychiatry, Richard Hunter, 1963, p248)

Archibald Alexander (17721851), the first professor at Princeton Theological Seminary, was a perceptive student of human behavior. His insights on counseling, especially on dealing with depression, are remarkably valid for today. In his Thoughts on Religious Experience (1844), Alexander wrote concerning the causes of depression:

“ When religious melancholy becomes a fixed disease, it may be reckoned among the heaviest calamities to which our suffering nature is subject. It resists all argument and rejects every topic of consolation, from whatever source it may proceed. It feeds upon distress and despair and is displeased even with the suggestion or offer of relief. The mind thus affected seizes on those ideas and truths which are most awful and terrifying. Any doctrine which excludes all hope is congenial to the melancholy spirit; it seizes on such things with an unnatural avidity and will not let them go. [Alexander 1978, 35] Alexander tells of Timothy Rogers, a London minister who lived from 1658 to 1728. Rogers was a godly, pious, and able pastor. Yet he was overtaken by a severe depression which today would probably be diagnosed as involutional depression. Rogers’s depression was so acute that he “gave up all hope of the mercy of God, and believed himself to be a vessel of wrath, designed for destruction, for the praise of the glorious justice of the Almighty”(Alexander 1978, 35).

Alexander describes Rogers’s condition in terms that tell us the man was clinically depressed, perhaps even psychotically depressed at times. It is clear that Alexander accepts Rogers’s depressed feelings as genuine and recognizes them as the cause of the spiritual problem which clouded his perceptions. Yet Alexander does not conclude that Rogers was damned, nor does he charge him with spiritual backsliding or lack of faith. Rather he sees a severe depression that needed to be understood. Rogers’s depression eventually ran its course, as do most involutional depressions. Many Christians cared for him and prayed on his behalf. After his depression lifted, Rogers became interested in ministering to others who experienced depression. As part of this effort he wrote treatises entitled Recovery from Sickness and Consolation for the Afflicted . Alexander was so impressed with the preface in Rogers’s Discourse on Trouble of Mind and the Disease of Melancholy that he put its contents verbatim into his own Thoughts on Relgious Experience . Those thoughts of Rogers on depression are of such high caliber that I have reproduced them in the appendix. They are the best material I have found on counseling depressed Christians. (© 1984 by William T. Kirwan)

Wing; R1848; Hunter p248

Copies – N.America

Harvard University Houghton Library

Newberry

U.S. National Library of Medicine

Union Theological Seminary

William Andrews Clark Memorial Library

University of Texas at Austin

Yale University, Medical School

“Teutonick Chimericall extravagances”

ENTHUSIASME [Late Latin enthūsiasmus, from Greek enthousiasmos, from enthousiazein, to be inspired by a god, from entheos, possessed :]

344F  A Treatise concerning Enthusiasme 1656 (second edition)
344F A Treatise concerning Enthusiasme 1656 (second edition)

Political,economic and social stresses take their toll on normative behavior. The late “early modern period” let’s call it 1590-1680  (pre Newton?) was a period of hegemonic disillusion, simultaneously there was an ‘outbreak’ or interpretation of behavior as aberrant and named Enthusiasme  characterize by those who were thought guilty of feigned inspiration, impostures, sectarianism, and extremes of religious passion. Enthusiasm was also associated with sets of physical symptoms—convulsions, ecstatic dancing, prophesying, speaking in foreign tongues.

The England of Burton and Casaubon, the two authors who dedicated a great amount of scholarship to Enthusiame was very different, Burton died (1640) before The Death of Charles I . Causaubon’s book was published in the period between the execution of  King Charles 1st in 1649, and the restoration of Charles 2nd in 1660.  At this time, religious sects were multiplying profusely and their conflicting demands for a restructuring of society were  a threat to political stability in England. The investigation of the  etiology of what was regarded as a religious distemper,ceased to be operative in theological or political terms.  This insufficiency  inspired a great mind such as Casaubon to look for a better ( and maybe more peaceful) understanding of these behaviors.

In Casaubon’s etiological  journey he sets out to impose on general Enthusiasme, distinctions, and specific causes for each of these. He stipulates that some types can arise from mental abnormalities without supernatural intervention. In this view Casaubon is investigating mental illness.

“Physiological accounts of enthusiasm and the application of the category to religious history are indicative of an important shift in Western understandings of the basis of religious belief. The quest for the natural causes of the diversity of religious beliefs, incipient in the treatments of Burton, Casaubon, and More, heralds the beginning of Enlightenment attempts to provide religious beliefs with natural, rather than supernatural, explanations. To a degree, these treatments also lessened the moral stigma associated with religious heterodoxy. Enthusiasm and its critics played a significant role in the secularization of European thought and culture.”

A further not of interest is that Casaubon was concern for the spread of Mahometisme, in the greater part of the world ( America being set aside)

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344F  Casaubon, Meric.  1599-1671

A Treatise Concerning Enthusiasme, As It is an Effect of Nature: but is mistaken by many for either Divine Inspiration, or Diabolicall Possession. By Meric Casaubon, D.D. Second edition: revised, and enlarged.

London: Printed by Roger Daniel, and are to be sold by Thomas Iohnson, at the Golden Key in St. Paul’s Church-yard, Anno, 1656                                           $1,500

Ocatvo, 6.4 x 4.2 inches.  Second edition. A-T8, V6. 297 pages.  This is a good copy in a later quarter calf  binding.

“This was the first separate treatise on enthusiasm, a term used for conditions attributed to possession by a superior power. Casaubon divided it into two kinds; supernatural which was ‘a true possession, whether divine or diabolical,’ and natural ‘whereof all men are capable’ to which belonged the delusions and hallucinations of the insane; the first not less real for being rare, the second common. “Casaubon had read ‘The Life of Sister Katharine of Jesus’ published at Paris, 1628, ‘a long contexture of severall strange raptures and enthusiasms, that had hapned unto a melancholick, or if you will, a devout maid.’ Despite approbations from a cardinal, an archbishop, a bishop and several doctors of divinity, Casaubon could find ‘no great matter of wonder’ in it but instead ‘a perpetuall coherence of naturall causes.’ Disturbed ‘that what by such, and so many, was judged God, and Religion, should be nothing but Nature and Superstition,’ he determined to investigate the whole matter thoroughly and this book was the result. Its main purpose was to survey historically cases and opinions so as to distill and preserve the belief in true divine intervention from adulteration with ‘natural enthusiasm’ with which it was often confused to its disrepute: ‘to embrace a cloud, or a fog for a deity; it is done by many, but it is a foul mistake: let him take heed of it.’

DSC_0003“ ‘A Treatise Concerning Enthusiasm,’ was an enlightened work since in it Casaubon set out to show how various enthusiasms, such as ‘divinatory,’ ‘contemplative,’ ‘rhetorical,’ ‘precatory,’ and others could arise from mental abnormalities without supernatural intervention or imposture. Read today in this sense it was a psychiatric treatise devoted to mental illness with religious coloring and the special problems raised by it. The first extract shows how epileptic phenomena in particular made it difficult to accept all mental illness as ‘natural.’ This was partly because of the dramatic effect of sudden, short-lived, episodic disturbances of consciousness accompanied by convulsions in otherwise normal persons which had given epilepsy its popular name of sacred disease and rise to Hippocrates’s famous pronouncement: ‘it appears to me to be nowise more divine nor more sacred than other diseases, but has a natural cause from which it originates like other affections. Men regard its nature and cause as divine from ignorance and wonder, because it is not at all like to other diseases.’ Another difficulty was that persons suffering from minor epileptic conditions such as temporal lobe disturbances with twilight, dreamy or confusional states — surprisingly known to Casaubon and called by him ‘a more gentle and remiss kind of Epilepsie’ — often report hallucinatory experiences as of another world. These are sometimes elaborated into delusional systems on religious themes. — ‘for it is natural to those that have been epileptical to fall into melancholy’ — especially if repetition of vivid experience perhaps reinforced by a feeling of reminiscence or deja vu has convinced the patient of direct contact with superior powers. A third difficulty was the overzeal in religious matters or religiosity which is a common manifestation of epileptic personality change.
“The mental disturbances in another group of patients seemed also to be inexplicable on natural grounds, namely those whose ‘distemper’ was ‘confined to some one object or other, the brain being otherwise sound and sober’ such as the ‘poor woman in Warwick-shire’ mentioned by Joseph Glanvill, ‘whose habitual conceit it was, that she was Mother of God, and of all things living, and yet when I diverted her to anything else of ordinary matters, she spoke usually with as much sobriety and cold discretion, as could well be expected from a person of her condition.’ This apparent paradox of ‘a sober kind of distraction’ as Casaubon called it, has always been a major stumbling block in psychiatric systems and classifications. […] Casaubon realized that it touched on the fundamental question whether insanity ‘was an error of imagination only, and not of understanding.’ and wondered whether by natural means one faculty could be ‘depraved’ without the other. This dichotomy between an ‘intellective’ or ‘ratiocinative’ and an ‘imaginative’ faculty is still implied in the current psychiatric distinction of mental illness into ‘thought disorder’ or schizophrenia and ‘affective disorder’ or manic-depressive psychosis, and of course forms the basic tenet of the McNaughton Rules (1843) by which ‘a defect of reason, from disease of the mind’ is the ultimate medico-legal test for the presence or absence of absolving insanity.” (Hunter and MacAlpine)
Wing C-813. Please see  Heyd, Michael.Be Sober and Reasonable”: The Critique of Enthusiasm in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries. Leiden, 1995. Argues that reactions against enthusiasm provide important background to the Enlightenment.

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